Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyetlerinin siyasal tutum ve davranışlarına etkisi

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
Tuncay Bilecen ◽  
Mustafa Saygın Araz

Bu makalede, Londra’da genellikle “Türkçe konuşan topluluk” başlığı altında sınıflandırılan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik (Türk/Kürt) ve mezhepsel (Sünni/Alevi) kimliklerinin Türkiye ve İngiltere siyasetine yönelik ilgi ve katılım düzeylerine ne ölçüde etki ettiği incelenmektedir. Çalışmada, Haziran – Eylül 2013 tarihleri arasında Londra’da 213 göçmenle yapılan anket çalışması neticesinde elde edilen veriler önce Faktör Analizi daha sonra MANOVA (Tek Yönlü Çok Değişkenli Varyans Analizi) testinden geçirilmiştir. Faktör analizi ile bireylerin siyasal yaşama katılımlarını gösteren (“sivil katılım”, “siyasal ilgi”, “siyasal eylem” olmak üzere üç başlıkta sınıflandırılan) anlamlı değişkenler (faktörler) elde edilmiştir. Değişkenler elde edildikten sonra ise MANOVA analizinden yararlanılarak farklı etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyet gruplarının bu değişkenler üzerinde etkisi olup olmadığına bakılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonunda Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel kökenlerinin siyasal katılım düzeyleri üzerinde etkili olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.ENGLISH ABSTRACTTurkish migrants living in London and the impact of ethnic and religious belongings on their political attitude and behvaiourThis article investigates levels of the participation in political life of a particular migrant community referred to as ‘Turkish speaking community’ both in their country of origin (Turkey) and their country of residence (UK). This article specifically focuses on the effects of these migrants groups’ ethnic (i.e. Kurdish/ Turkish) and religious/sectarian (i.e. Alevi/Sunni) identities on their level of participation in the political life in Turkey and in the UK. The data informing this article was collected via administration of surveys with 213 participants between June and September 2013 with aforementioned migrant population. The data was analysis consisted of initial factor analysis followed by MANOVA. Through factor analysis meaningful variances in demonstrating the three types of participation in political life (civil participation, political interest and political activism) was revealed (bu umleyihala anlamadim ama sent mm diyorsan). After the determining of the dependant variables MANOVA analysis were conducted to determine the role of ethnic and religious belongingness on the dependent variables, i.e. types of participation in the political life.  The research concluded that ethnic and religious belongingness directly influience degree of political participation of the migrants from Turkey.   

Author(s):  
Gillian Doyle

Based on key players’ testimony and an extensive documented record, this chapter initially discusses the political background to the fraught merger talks between the BFI and the UKFC in 2009-2010, along with the uncertain role of the DCMS. It then turns to consider the shock decision to close the UKFC taken by Conservative ministers in the DCMS serving in the Coalition government elected in May 2010. Various possible reasons for closure are evaluated in considerable detail and the impact on the UKFC is described. The account analyses each of the steps taken by the DCMS to devise a new landscape of film support post-UKFC, with the BFI assuming many functions after extensive negotiation with ministers and civil servants. Next, the BFI’s new turn in film policy is considered. A range of views on the closure decision, both pro and con, is discussed.


Author(s):  
Anastasia Deligiaouri ◽  
Panagiotis Symeonidis

The convergence of television with internet technologies has further upheld the participatory role of Internet in modern political communication. The adoption of Internet communication regulations in television programs has created a new hybrid model of “Internetized Television” which has the potential to strengthen citizens’ voice in political life. In this research paper, an extensive empirical study of certain variables relating to participation in internetized television was conducted, focusing, in particular, on the impact of this new medium during the 2007 national elections in Greece, when a specific broadcast was aired on TV, namely the “Skai-YouTube Debate.” Based on the results of our survey, an in-depth theoretical discussion of the political and communicative challenges imposed by this form of internetized television was conducted.


Author(s):  
خصيبة راشد اليماحي ◽  
الفاتح عبدالله عبد السلام

تهتم الورقة البحثية بدراسة دور المرأة في الحياة السياسية في دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة نظرا لتنامي تأثيرها في السنوات العشر الماضية، وفي الحقيقة يبدو أن التأثير كان إيجابيا في مجمله لأن منظور العملية السياسية المبنية على اشراك الطرفين الرجل والمرأة أثبتت فعاليتها في كثير من دول العالم، وفي الإمارات بالأخص، ولكن يبقى هناك بعض الإشكاليات التي ارتأى البحث أن تسعى إليها المرأة في دولة الإمارات العربية لتفعل من تأثيرها على مجمل الحياة السياسية؛ حيث إن مشاركتها في الحياة السياسية مقتصرة حتى الآن على انتظار التغيير من أعلى الهرم السياسي. خلص البحث إلى اهتمام دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة بوضع مجموعة من التشريعات التي تضمن للمرأة حقوقها في كافة المستويات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية أثر بشكل واضح على قدراتها التأثيرية في العملية السياسية، واشراك المرأة في عمليات التمكين الاقتصادي والسياسي أثر بشكل كبير في تحقيق نشاط سياسي واضح للمرأة الإماراتية. الكلمات المفتاحية: المشاركة السياسية، الانتخابات، الدور السياسي، الوزارات. Abstract The paper examines the role of women in political life in the United Arab Emirates due to their growing influence in the last ten years. In fact, the impact seems to be positive in its entirety because the perspective of the political process based on the involvement of both men and women has proven effective in many countries of the world and in UAE in particular. However, there are still some problems that the research found such as the fact that women have to wait for change to cascade down from the top of the political hierarchy. The study concluded that the UAE has set a group of legislations that guarantee women their rights at all social, economic and political levels, clearly affecting their influential capacities in the political process, and involving women in economic and political empowerment. Keywords: Political participation, election, political role, ministers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-64
Author(s):  
G. Aiswarya ◽  
Dr. Jayasree Krishnan

Traditionally the products were pushed into the hands of customers by production and selling strategies; then the marketing strategy evolved which gained momentum by understanding the customer needs and developing products satisfying those needs. This strategy is most prevalent and what should be done to stand up in this most competitive scenario? The answer to this key question is to create an experience. The customers now also seek good experiences than other benefits. Brand experience has gained more attention, especially fashion brands. Previous studies demonstrate the role of the brand experience in brand equity and other consumer behavior constructs. But very little is known about the impact of brand experiences on fashion brands. The aim of this study is to develop a model which makes our understanding better about the role of Brand preference and Brand experience and its influence on purchase intention of the brand. An initial exploratory study is conducted using a focus group to generate items for the study. The items, thus generated are prepared in the form of a questionnaire and samples were collected.  Exploratory factor analysis is conducted and the reliability of the constructs is determined. These constructs are loaded onto AMOS to perform Confirmatory factor analysis. The results confirmed the scales used. We also noticed that Brand preference has a great influence on the Brand experience. Thereby the finding supports the role of the brand experience which tends to have a mediating role in influencing the purchase intention.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019/2 ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Darius Baronas

ANNOTATION. This article is the first attempt of the biographic research of Grand Duchess Uliana Algirdienė of Lithuania (d. 17/03/1392), based on the critical analysis of primary sources. It is also aimed at pointing out the reflection of the role of women in the pagan Lithuanian society. The research was carried out by means of the analytical and comparative method of historical source analysis with a view to separate as distinctly as possible the information derived from contemporary sources from the images imposed by later historiographic tradition. The article questions the stereotypes related to Uliana’s great political power in Lithuania’s political life that are well-established in modern historiography and present-day cultural memory. With this an attempt is made to draw attention to the problematic nature of information derived from historical sources as well as to more distinctly define the frames imposed by the political culture of pagan Lithuania which clearly marked the boundaries for the political activities of women representing the ruling dynasty. This article for the most part dwells on the issues related to the coverage of Algirdas and Uliana’s marriage and the period of their married life up to Algirdas’ death in 1377. KEYWORDS: Uliana, Algirdas, Simeon, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Moscow, Tver, Rus’, women


2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
Sarah M Hughes

Many accounts of resistance within systems of migration control pivot upon a coherent migrant subject, one that is imbued with political agency and posited as oppositional to particular forms of sovereign power. Drawing upon ethnographic research into the role of creativity within the UK asylum system, I argue that grounding resistance with a stable, coherent and agentic subject, aligns with oppositional narratives (of power vs resistance), and thereby risks negating the entangled politics of the (in)coherence of subject formation, and how this can contain the potential to disrupt, disturb or interrupt the practices and premise of the UK asylum system. I suggest that charity groups and subjects should not be written out of narratives of resistance apriori because they engage with ‘the state’: firstly, because to argue that there is a particular form that resistance should take is to place limits around what counts as the political; and secondly, because to ‘remain oppositional’ is at odds with an (in)coherent subject. I show how accounts which highlight a messy and ambiguous subjectivity, could be bought into understandings of resistance. This is important because as academics, we too participate in the delineation of the political and what counts as resistance. In predetermining what subjects, and forms of political action count as resistance we risk denying recognition to those within this system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 17-39
Author(s):  
Ambassador Colin Keating

This article discusses the role of the UN Security Council during the crisis in Rwanda in 1993/94. It focuses on the peacekeeping dimensions of the Council’s involvement. It is a perspective from a practitioner, rather than an academic. It also makes some observations about whether the Rwanda crisis has had an enduring influence on Security Council practice. It does not address the impact on practical aspects of peacekeeping or on the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 263-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Perry ◽  
Fiona L. Mason

SummaryThe health and social care landscape in the UK is changing, and there is now, more than ever, a real need for doctors to embrace leadership and management. Evidence shows that medical leadership is associated with better outcomes for patients. Psychiatrists are particularly well suited to such roles, given the interpersonal skills and self-awareness that they develop in their training. In this article, we examine the role of the psychiatrist in leading at a patient, team and organisational level and the impact this has. We also discuss different leadership and management styles.


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