Power in Black and Pentecostal: An Engagement with Bretherton

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-261
Author(s):  
R. David Muir

This article focuses on Bretherton’s treatment of Pentecostalism and Black Power and how they conceive and challenge notions of democracy, citizenship and capitalism. Recognising the ‘tensional’ relationship between democracy and Christianity, I explore his treatment of Pentecostalism and capitalism. I am sympathetic to Bretherton’s analysis of the socio-political transformation Pentecostalism offers, but point to regressive influences associated with the ‘prosperity gospel’. Relating his treatment of Black Power to the wider ‘Black radical tradition’, I conclude with reference to political activism in the UK.

Author(s):  
Sanya Ojo

Purpose – This study aims to intend to examine how African Pentecostals use the structure of their religion to re-enact their entrepreneurial ideals and uniqueness and develop enterprising attitude and altitude. Also to appraise how they manipulate their ethnic cultural assets and faith-based networks to stimulate and maintain their entrepreneurial activities. Design/methodology/approach – A case study of a specific religious organisation was exploited whereby a few number of adherents from a particular ethnic church in the UK were interviewed. The theoretical framework of Mead’s symbolic interaction was explored to accomplish the study’s objectives. Findings – Findings demonstrate the ability of an ethnic minority group to adjust to a secondary range of social conditions in the country of residence through adoption of a theology that tracks the contours of their culture. Research limitations/implications – This paper emphasises the significance of material expressions of spiritual agency that acts as instrument of establishing the active, progressing self of ethnic minority group in the country of residence, thus, illuminating the interconnections between religion and enterprise. Such understandings present great prospects to fabricate new sites of meaning among a particular minority group through understanding various contradictions embedded in their religious practices. Practical implications – The study stresses the significance of material expressions of spiritual agency that acts as avenue for disadvantaged group to engage in entrepreneurial activities. The Pentecostal enclave thus helps immigrants to keep body and soul together in an environment that is embedded with ethnic penalties. Social implications – The African Pentecostal movement serves, not only as instrument of converting others, but its Prosperity gospel emphasis the significance of material expression of spiritual agency. This acts as a means of establishing the active, progressing self, with capacity to produce law-abiding citizenry among ethnic groups. Originality/value – The study illuminates the interconnections between religion and enterprise that offer great opportunities to fabricate new sites of meaning among a particular minority group through understanding various contradictions embedded in their religious practices.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-48
Author(s):  
Crystal Am Nelson

This photo essay attempts to map some of the historical moments that likely influenced the birth of the black panther as an icon and hero in the worlds of both political activism and comic books. From its initial appearance in Alabama to its incarnation in Oakland, the black panther has stood the test of time and remained an index of Black power. This essay examines the births of the Lowndes County Freedom Movement, Marvel's Black Panther character, and the Black Panther Party—all in 1966. The founding of that first proves to be a seminal, highly influential moment that presaged what was to come later that year. The events described trace how community action transformed into black power–cum–panther power.


Author(s):  
Kerry Pimblott

This conclusion serves to show that despite the severity of the city’s economic problems, the impact of the Cairo Black Power Movement has continued to resonate across the nation, giving rise to new political alliances such as the National Black United Front and theologies that offer an important alternative to prevailing conservative doctrines such as the Prosperity Gospel and Word of Faith movement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
Tuncay Bilecen ◽  
Mustafa Saygın Araz

Bu makalede, Londra’da genellikle “Türkçe konuşan topluluk” başlığı altında sınıflandırılan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik (Türk/Kürt) ve mezhepsel (Sünni/Alevi) kimliklerinin Türkiye ve İngiltere siyasetine yönelik ilgi ve katılım düzeylerine ne ölçüde etki ettiği incelenmektedir. Çalışmada, Haziran – Eylül 2013 tarihleri arasında Londra’da 213 göçmenle yapılan anket çalışması neticesinde elde edilen veriler önce Faktör Analizi daha sonra MANOVA (Tek Yönlü Çok Değişkenli Varyans Analizi) testinden geçirilmiştir. Faktör analizi ile bireylerin siyasal yaşama katılımlarını gösteren (“sivil katılım”, “siyasal ilgi”, “siyasal eylem” olmak üzere üç başlıkta sınıflandırılan) anlamlı değişkenler (faktörler) elde edilmiştir. Değişkenler elde edildikten sonra ise MANOVA analizinden yararlanılarak farklı etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyet gruplarının bu değişkenler üzerinde etkisi olup olmadığına bakılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonunda Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel kökenlerinin siyasal katılım düzeyleri üzerinde etkili olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.ENGLISH ABSTRACTTurkish migrants living in London and the impact of ethnic and religious belongings on their political attitude and behvaiourThis article investigates levels of the participation in political life of a particular migrant community referred to as ‘Turkish speaking community’ both in their country of origin (Turkey) and their country of residence (UK). This article specifically focuses on the effects of these migrants groups’ ethnic (i.e. Kurdish/ Turkish) and religious/sectarian (i.e. Alevi/Sunni) identities on their level of participation in the political life in Turkey and in the UK. The data informing this article was collected via administration of surveys with 213 participants between June and September 2013 with aforementioned migrant population. The data was analysis consisted of initial factor analysis followed by MANOVA. Through factor analysis meaningful variances in demonstrating the three types of participation in political life (civil participation, political interest and political activism) was revealed (bu umleyihala anlamadim ama sent mm diyorsan). After the determining of the dependant variables MANOVA analysis were conducted to determine the role of ethnic and religious belongingness on the dependent variables, i.e. types of participation in the political life.  The research concluded that ethnic and religious belongingness directly influience degree of political participation of the migrants from Turkey.   


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-168
Author(s):  
Jeremy Gilbert

AbstractAttitudes to digital communication technologies since the 1990s have been characterized by waves of optimism and pessimism, as enthusiasts have highlighted their democratic and liberating potentials, while critics have pointed to the socially, politically and psychologically deleterious consequences of unchecked digital capitalism. This paper seeks to develop an analytical framework capable of appreciating and assessing the capacities of such technologies both to genuinely enhance democratic agency, and to become tools through which capitalist power is enhanced with widespread negative consequences. The paper in particular deploys my concept of ‘potent collectivity’ in order to name the type of democratic agency that such media technologies can be seen both to enable and enhance under certain circumstances, and to inhibit under others. It also considers the affective qualities of ‘potent collectivity’, and in particular the utility of a Deleuzo-Spinozan concept of ‘collective joy’ as designating the affective quality typical of ‘potent collectivity’. The paper uses the specific example of left-wing political activism in the UK during the period 2015-17 to illustrate the potential for platform technologies to enable new forms of democratic mobilization, while arguing for an analytical position that eschews any simple celebration of the liberating potential of new technologies; remaining sensitive to the negative features of ‘platform capitalism’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-350
Author(s):  
Ali Ja'far

Abstract: This paper explains about hijrah, a popular term among urban youths; it refers not only religious, but also political transformation. This activity has been  growing massively in the urban area through the internet and in the short after the fall of Soeharto regime where democracy and the technology has become more developed. Digitally, hijrah shapes the narration of being pious, religious and modern-fashionable look. Taking the data from field observation on the hijrah event and following the digital media, this paper attempts to investigate the historical root of hijrah and how the youth utilize modern technology to visualize and share their narration on being politically pious. Borrowing the idea from Birgit Meyer and Bayat about visualization and post-Islamism, this paper has found that although hijrah narration is close to fundamental religious activism and politically promotes Islamic political system, but the agenda has not succeeded. However, hijrah activity is successful in engaging youth through the events such as; sharing session, gathering, book review, festival and preaching which are specifically designed for youths.الملخص: يتناول هذا البحث عن الهجرة وهي مصطلح شائع بين شباب الحضر. ولا يشير هذا الموضوع الى التغير الديني ، بل حتى التغير السياسي. وازدهرت أنشطة الهجرة بعد سقوط سوهارتو بسرعة فائقة وكذلك الديموقراطية والتكنولوجيا . وكونت الهجرة في العالم الرقمي التقوى والدين والحداثة ايضا . آخذا المعلومات من المنهج الميداني مع تتبع الوسائل الهجرة الرقمية، تحاول هذا البحث التحقق عن جذور التاريخ وكيفية تعامل الشباب مع التكنولوجيا المعاصرة لتصور المسائل ونشر الروايات حول موضوع الصالح . نستعير فكر بيرجير ماير وبيات حول التصورية وما بعد الاسلامية ، تكشف هذا البحث موضوع الهجرة قريبة الى جذروية الدينية و من سياسيتها الى السياسية الشرعية ولكن لا تسير هذه الانشطة على ما يرام. ومن نا حية أخرى ، تربط انشطة الهجرة مع الشباب كالمناقشات والمحاضرات ومراجعة الكتب والتجمعات ترابطا وطيدا وناجحا لأنها خصصت مصممة للشبابAbstrak: Tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang hijrah. Sebuah terma yang popular di kalangan anak muda urban. Terma ini tidak hanya merujuk pada istilah akan perubahan keagamaan, tetapi juga perubahan politik. Aktifitas hijrah tumbuh pesat setelah runtuhnya regime Soeharto dimana demokrasi dan perkembangan teknologi semakin maju. Hijrah dalam dunia digital juga membentuk narasi akan kesalehan, keagamaan, dan modernitas. Penelitian ini mengambil data dari observasi lapangan serta mengikuti media digital hijrah. Tulisan ini berusaha menginvestigasi akar sejarah dari hijrah dan bagaimana anak-anak muda menggunakan teknologi modern untuk memvisualisasikan dan menyebarkan narasi tentang kesalihan. Meminjam ide dari Birgit Meyer dan Bayat tentang visualisasi dan post-Islamism, tulisan ini mengungkap bahwa meskipun narasi hijrah itu sangat dekat dengan fundamentalisme agama dan secara politis mendukung sistem politik berlandaskan Islam akan tetapi agenda ini tidak berjalan dengan baik. Sebaliknya, aktifitas hijrah yang mengikat anak muda melalui berbagai event seperti, sesi diskusi, gathering, bedah buku, festival, dan ceramah keagamaan telah sukses mengikat anak muda karena aktifitas itu secara khusus didesain untuk anak muda)   


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

In historical terms, the Pentecostal movement, for almost a century, was known for its political quietism. Identifi ed by ecstatic and esoteric experiences, Pentecostalism was in essence world-rejecting by nature. The movement’s millenarian disposition meant that it had no or few political inclinations. The return of Christ seemed imminent, ushering in the Kingdom of God that would replace all human authorities. With new waves of Pentecostalism spreading across the world, the movement appeared to become increasingly politicised in certain global context. This paper take a comparative analysis of the political undertakings of Pentecostalism in two western contexts, namely, the USA and the UK that provide examples of a seemingly highly religious society and a ‘mid-range’ secular society of Europe respectively. The paper overviews the activities of Pentecostals in both nations and identifi es the key factors behind the politicalization of the movement and explores the principal variables by which to understand diff erent levels of success achieved by the movement. This emphasis is supplemented by recognition of the contrasting political cultures in which the activities of the Pentecostals have operated.


2000 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. R. M. Hay ◽  
T. P. Baglin ◽  
P. W. Collins ◽  
F. G. H. Hill ◽  
D. M. Keeling

2006 ◽  
Vol 175 (4S) ◽  
pp. 476-477
Author(s):  
Freddie C. Hamdy ◽  
Joanne Howson ◽  
Athene Lane ◽  
Jenny L. Donovan ◽  
David E. Neal

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