scholarly journals Reflections on the Status of Hungarian Loanwords in Old Romanian Translations

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-226
Author(s):  
Enikő Pál

AbstractTranslation has always been important for religion as a way of preaching God's word. The first Romanian translations of religious texts, including the first (although incomplete) translation of the Bible, date from the sixteenth century. In this early period of Romanian writing, Romanian translators encountered several problems in conveying the meaning of these texts of a great complexity. Some of the difficulties were due to the source texts available in the epoch, others to the ideal of literal translation, to the principle of legitimacy or to the relatively poor development of Romanian language which limited the translators' options. The present study focuses on the causes and purposes for which lexical items of Hungarian origin interweave old Romanian translations. In this epoch, Hungarian influence was favoured by a complex of political, legal, administrative and socioculturel factors, sometimes even forced by these circumstances. On the one hand, given the premises of vivid contacts between Romanians and Hungarians in the regions where the old Romanian translations (or their originals) can be located, a number of Hungarian loanwords of folk origin penetrated these texts. On the other hand, when using Hungarian sources, translators have imported useful source language caiques and loanwords, which have enriched Romanian language.

Author(s):  
Andy Kesson

This chapter rereads the generic boundaries of Shakespeare’s writing by exploring two different, and potentially opposed, meanings of the word ‘comedy’ in the sixteenth century. On the one hand, comedy was a recognizable classical concept, representing a range of generic possibilities with implications for tone, prosody, character range and narrative expectation. On the other hand, comedy had also become a vernacular English word which might mean little more than play or story, with no implication about content or style. This chapter suggests that Shakespeare was much more active than previously recognized in creating a dramatic genre built around self-consciously classical principles. The subsequent canonization of Shakespeare’s idiosyncratic take on the genre has in turn inflected the way the much more fluid work of his contemporaries has been read and understood. This chapter explores the multiple meanings of comedy in this early period alongside Shakespeare’s active intervention within it.


Author(s):  
Mark Chinca

The chapter examines the prolific quantity of writings on death and the afterlife that Lutheran authors produced in the second half of the sixteenth century, and argues that the constitutive presuppositions of their discourse came to be centered on four of Luther’s famous sola principles. Sola gratia, “by grace alone,” gave a new prominence among the last things to death, since it was through acknowledging the fact of her own finitude that a person came to realize that the present time was the kairos, the “time of grace” in which salvation is freely available to all believers. Sola fide, “by faith alone,” meant that elaborate regimes of spiritual exercise of the kind followed by Ignatius Loyola and the Jesuits were regarded with suspicion by Lutherans, since exercise could easily become a self-justifying work. Sola scriptura held that “scripture alone” was the authoritative guide for faith, and that it required only to be heard and believed; meditation accordingly became reduced to the simple hearing and believing of God’s Word. The principle of solo spiritu, which states that the Word becomes effective in the believer “by the Spirit alone,” is reflected in exhortations to readers to let the Spirit enter their hearts and minds, and even take over their language, as they learn to replace their habitual words for death with the vocabulary of peaceful sleep and repose that the Spirit uses in the Bible.


2014 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Anthony Purvis

Opening the Bible(1970) is Thomas Merton’s major critical account of the Bible and biblical theology. Writing the book made him anxious; and the first version of the book forTime-LifeBooks in 1966 was never published. Yet he also knew he had to complete the book. For Merton, the Bible’s message is urgent. In times of great crisis, everything human culture holds sacred must come under scrutiny and judgement. Everything must be measured according to the Bible’s mandate to love God in neighbour. Yet there is a central paradox in Merton’s discussion, and it is this which makes what he says all the more compelling. On the one hand, Merton commends a book which he claims offers no explanations. It asks us to look to the future; and it asks us not to put faith in ourselves but in a truth which is not seen. On the other hand, the Bible is God’s word and it is authoritative. Its authority, however, is revealed in human history. The Bible’s over-arching historical narrative is one which asks those who hear its message to transform lives and human relationships. Using a range of critics and writers, including Barth, Bultmann and Faulkner, Merton contends that the ‘word of God’ is recognised in actual experience and in its power to fundamentally change how people see each other and the created world.


2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (1/2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andries G. Van Aarde

Perspective on Scripture in light of postmodernityThe aim of the article is to focus on the Reformers’ so-called “Scripture Principle” in light of the paradigm shifts from pre-modern, to modern and to postmodern theology. The “Scripture Principle” relates mainly to two notions: the Bible is God’s word in human speech and Scripture is handed to all believers who are encouraged to interpret it for themselves. In light of the perspectives on Scripture by Friedrich Schleiermacher, Karl Barth, and Rudolf Bultmann, the article discusses the “Scripture Principle” according to three positions: the Bible as book of the church; the Bible as book of believers; the Bible as book of theologians. The article advocates tolerance for users of the Bible to regard the authority of Scripture in concurrence with anyone of these positions without the hegemony of the one over the other. Yet, an overlap is an indication of postmodern theology.


1986 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-10
Author(s):  
N. F. S. Grundtvig

Created in the Image of Goda little-known account of Grundtvig from 1814The creation of man in the image of God means according to Grundtvig that man is created with the purpose of resembling the Trinity - Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Man is therefore tripartite, comprising body, soul and spirit, equipped to feel, imagine, and apprehend. As Father, God cannot be truly imagined, since our images are limited by time and space. When man nevertheless sets out to imagine God, it is as Creator, according to the Bible as “the living word” – as the Son. The Holy Spirit then becomes the power that unites the Father and the Son. Grundtvig believes that man must be created with free will, “for otherwise there was something that did not obey Him”, that is, God - namely the human will.However, Grundtvig does not envisage the newly-created man as a perfect image of God, but rather as a healthy new-born baby is “fully-developed” - with the potential to become the perfect image of God. The Fall breaks off this development, occurring as it did because man abused his reason by doubting the truth of God’s word: “of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it,” for “thou shalt surely die.” Instead man believed the devil’s words, which were lies, and let his reason serve his desire. If we doubt that we participate in this sin, we will be convinced “when we realise how little abhorrence we have of such a fall.” This was pride, and this was how we lost our immediate communion with God.This account is found in the first volume of Grundtvig’s second World Chronicle, published in 1814. Only the one volume was published; it has never been reprinted, and is therefore little-known.


Author(s):  
Menachem Kellner

This chapter looks at the one issue on which Rabbi Yom Tov ben Abraham of Seville sides with Nahmanides against Maimonides: the status of the Hebrew language. Maimonides denied that there is anything intrinsically unique about Hebrew. He maintained, in effect, that the sanctity of Hebrew has nothing to do with the facts that the Bible was written in it; that God said ‘Let there be light’ in it and in so doing created the universe; that it is the language of prophecy; that it was the ‘ur-language’ of humankind; or that it is the most exalted language, spiritually and poetically, on earth. Hebrew is called holy simply because it is a language without words for foul and disgusting matters, especially concerning sex and defecation. Thus, Maimonides claims that Hebrew is holy because of one of its characteristics, a characteristic which could, in principle, be shared by other languages. Hebrew is a language like other languages, only more refined.


Author(s):  
Henk Nellen

Did innovative textual analysis reshape the relations between Christian believers and their churches in early modern confessional states? This volume explores the hypothesis that in the long seventeenth century humanist-inspired biblical criticism contributed significantly to the decline of ecclesiastical truth claims. Historiography pictures this era as one in which the dominant position of religion and church began to show signs of erosion under the influence of vehement debates on the sacrosanct status of the Bible. Until quite recently, this gradual but decisive shift has been attributed to the rise of the sciences, in particular astronomy and physics. This book looks at biblical criticism as, on the one hand, an innovative force and, on the other, the outcome of developments in philology that had started much earlier than scientific experimentalism or the New Philosophy. Scholars began to situate the Bible in its historical context. The seventeen chapters show that even in the hands of pious, orthodox scholars philological research not only failed to solve all the textual problems that had surfaced, but even brought to light countless new incongruities. This supplied those who sought to play down the authority of the Bible with ammunition. The conviction that God’s Word had been preserved as a pure and sacred source gave way to an awareness of a complicated transmission in a plurality of divergent, ambiguous, historically determined and heavily corrupted texts. This shift took place primarily in the Dutch Protestant world of the seventeenth century.


Author(s):  
Habib Alimardani ◽  
Esmail Zare Behtash

Allusions as a literary device are included in a text to express meanings that go beyond the mere words the author uses and depend to a large extent on familiarity to be comprehended. Thus, they carry meaning in the culture in which they arise while this meaning is missed in another culture. The translation of allusions, therefore, which includes two language cultures, requires enormous problem-solving skills and adoption of strategies allowing the translator to evoke more or less the same reaction as that of the source language audience (Leppihalme, 1997). This study explores the adoption of strategies by Pasargadi (1996) in translating allusions rooted in mythology and the Bible in three Shakespearean tragedies, i.e. Hamlet, Macbeth and Romeo and Juliet based on the classification suggested by Ruokonen (2010). The analysis of the results revealed that the translator made more frequent use of modifying than retentive strategies, 52.69% and 47.31% respectively. Further investigation of the translation strategies employed by the translator sheds greater light on the reliability of the classification by Ruokonen (2010) and results in a better grasp of how to guarantee as close an effect on the target text audience as the one created on the source text audience.  


2001 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
H.F. Van Rooy

Per bonam consequentiam: The status of exegetical deductions The importance of Hermeneutics in ecclesiastical discussions must be recognised. In such discussions, people attempt to substantiate their views with arguments from the Bible. The status of such exegetical deductions remains a problem, also in view of the maxim from the Reformation: The preaching of God’s Word is God’s Word. This problem is discussed with reference to the origin of the rule of “good and necessary consequence” and to related articles of the Belgic and Westminster Confessions. The fallibility of human interpretation must be taken into account in all ecclesiastical discussions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-315
Author(s):  
Beth Allison Barr

Examining recent claims that the early modern Bible served as an empowering force for women, this article draws evidence from English sermons designed for quotidinal lay instruction—such as the late medieval sermons of Festial, the sixteenth-century Tudor Homilies, and the seventeenth-century sermons of William Gouge and Benjamin Keach. As didactic religious texts written and delivered by men but also heard and read by women, sermons reveal how preachers rhetorically shaped the contours of women’s agency. Late medieval sermons include women specifically in scripture and authorize women through biblical role models as actively participating within the church. Conversely, early modern sermons were less likely to add women into scripture and more likely to use scripture to limit women by their domestic identities. Thus, through their approaches to biblical texts, medieval preachers present women as more visible and active agents whereas early modern preachers present women as less visible and more limited in their roles—thereby presenting a more complex story of how the Bible affected women across the Reformation.


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