scholarly journals Determinants of the Policy Impact of Analytical Communities in Russian Regions: Cases of Karelia, Tatarstan and Saratov

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Zaytsev ◽  
Nina Belyaeva

Abstract This paper evaluates the policy impact of analytical communities in three Russian regions (Karelia, Tatarstan and Saratov). Based on the existing methods to assess the political power of think tanks, the authors develop a method to evaluate this impact. The authors test this method using the empirical data and findings from interviews, workshops with representatives of analytical communities of the three regions, and from observations and assessments of experts in regional politics. In conclusion, the authors argue that the capacity of analytical communities to impact policy change in a region depends on the level of political competition and pluralism and democratic institutions in the region; the level of consolidation of the analytical community, its autonomous political status and authority.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Ruslan F. Garipov

This work studies the distinctive features of political responsibility of regional deputies representing the interests of various electoral groups. The status of a regional parliament deputy in Russian regions is characterized in two ways. It is regulated not only by laws and ethical norms, but also by political guidelines. Regional deputies are held legally accountable for violating laws, and by straying from party or state guidelines, they risk being held politically accountable. This is why the object of study of this article is the negative consequences that regional deputies suffer as a result of the political practices in Russian regions. In 2016-2019, there was an expansion of legal grounds that affect termination of deputy duties. Deputies are frequently limited in their rights to address other participants of regional politics. In some cases, artificial barriers are created to interfere with the work of regional deputies. These limitations are political in nature, and thus have a vague definition in law. Because of that, the author pays special attention to the political norms that, if violated, result in special negative consequences for regional deputies, including their inability to perform their parliamentary duties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.


Author(s):  
Daniel S. Markey

This book explains how China’s new foreign policies like the vaunted “Belt and Road” Initiative are being shaped by local and regional politics outside China and assesses the political implications of these developments for Eurasia and the United States. It depicts the ways that President Xi Jinping’s China is zealously transforming its national wealth and economic power into tools of global political influence and details these developments in South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. Drawing from extensive interviews, travels, and historical research, it describes how perceptions of China vary widely within states like Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and Iran. Eurasia’s powerful and privileged groups often expect to profit from their connections to China, while others fear commercial and political losses. Similarly, statesmen across Eurasia are scrambling to harness China’s energy purchases, arms sales, and infrastructure investments as a means to outdo their strategic competitors, like India and Saudi Arabia, while negotiating relations with Russia and America. The book finds that, on balance, China’s deepening involvement will play to the advantage of regional strongmen and exacerbate the political tensions within and among Eurasian states. To make the most of America’s limited influence along China’s western horizon (and elsewhere), it argues that US policymakers should pursue a selective and localized strategy to serve America’s aims in Eurasia and to better compete with China over the long run.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

The Conclusion addresses the parties’ present condition in the European political systems. Indeed, at the dawn of the new century parties have become Leviathan with clay feet: powerful in the political arena thanks to control of state resources, but very weak in terms of legitimacy in the eyes of public opinion. Only by abandoning the citadelle in which they are entrenched, recasting societal linkages, relinquishing all their privileges, and dismissing their self-referential attitude might they recover the confidence of the electorate. Maintaining a state-centred status will only lead to a dead end, and this will also harm the democratic system itself. The collapse of parties’ legitimacy inevitably affects democratic institutions: the mounting populist and plebiscitary wave suggests how pervasive is the crisis and how dramatic the challenge.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Abstract Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
S V Valente de Almeida ◽  
H Ghattas ◽  
G Paolucci ◽  
A Seita

Abstract We measure the impact introducing a of 10% co-payment component on hospitalisation costs for Palestine refugees from Lebanon in public and private hospitals. This ex-post analysis provides a detailed insight on the direction and magnitude of the policy impact in terms of demand and supply for healthcare. The data was collected by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and include episode level information from all public, private and Red Crescent Hospitals in Lebanon, between April 2016 and October 2017. This is a complete population episode level dataset with information from before and after the policy change. We use multinomial logit, negative binomial and linear models to estimate the policy impact on demand by type of hospital, average length of stay and treatment costs for the patient and the provider. After the new policy was implemented patients were 18% more likely to choose a (free-of-charge) PRCS hospital for secondary care, instead of a Private or Public hospital, where the co-payment was introduced. This impact was stronger for episodes with longer stays, which are also the more severe and more expensive cases. Average length of stay decreased in general for all hospitals and we could not find a statistically significant impact on costs for the provider nor the patient. We find evidence that the introduction of co-payments is hospital costs led to a shift in demand, but it is not clear to what extent the hospitals receiving this demand shift were prepared for having more patients than before, also because these are typically of less quality then the others. Regarding costs, there is no evidence that the provider managed to contain costs with the new policy, as the demand adapted to the changes. Our findings provide important information on hospitalisation expenses and the consequences of a policy change from a lessons learned perspective that should be taken into account for future policy decision making. Key messages We show that in a context of poverty, the introduction of payment for specific hospital types can be efficient for shifting demand, but has doubtable impact on costs containment for the provider. The co-payment policy can have a negative impact on patients' health since after its implementation demand increased at free-of-charge hospitals, which typically have less resources to treat patients.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Cohen

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.


1919 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Conway

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