A formal approach to role language: sentence-final particles and the speaker-hearer link

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-227
Author(s):  
Atsushi Dohi
Keyword(s):  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
Formal Approach ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
Discourse Interface ◽  
Semantic Properties ◽  
Final Particles

Abstract This paper addresses sentence-final items that fall into the category of role language in Japanese and proposes an analysis from a cartographic perspective. To this end, the syntactic and semantic properties of these items are investigated, with particular attention to their distribution concerning root/embedded context and clause type. The investigation shows that the elements under consideration can be classified into three subcategories and that they are all connected to the speaker-hearer link via agreement relationship, on a par with the politeness marker -mas-. It is also argued that only one subcategory, dubbed gender particles, additionally interacts with illocutionary force and clause type of the sentence, similarly to discourse particles. From this study, it is implied that the role language can be studied within the framework of a syntax-discourse interface.

Discourse Particles in LSJ

2019 ◽  
pp. 268-287
Author(s):  
David Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
First Century ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
Semantics And Pragmatics ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Semantic Properties

This chapter contrasts the Liddell and Scott (LSJ) account of the particle γε‎ with an approach that takes advantage of some of the conceptual tools of twenty-first century semantics and pragmatics. It begins by discussing the question of why describing the meaning of discourse particles is so challenging. From here, it homes in on the particle γε‎, ‘one of the subtlest and most elusive particles’, according to Denniston (1954). After critically reviewing its article in LSJ, it presents the results of a fresh examination of the particle in two Platonic dialogues, Meno and Cratylus, focusing on the most salient aspects of its meaning, especially phenomena that LSJ does not mention. It argues that γε‎ is characterized by two semantic properties: scalar interpretation and non-at issue semantics.

Discourse particles in Chinese–Japanese code switching: Constrained by the Matrix Language Frame?

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Hai-Rong Meng ◽  
Takeshi Nakamoto
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Code Switching ◽  
Bilingual Children ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Truth Conditional ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Conditional Information ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Discourse Interface

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: The purpose of this paper is to clarify the grammatical constraints on discourse particles in Chinese–Japanese intra-sentential code switching in light of the general framework of the Matrix Language Frame (MLF) model augmented by the 4-M model. Design/methodology/approach: This study retrieves data collected for three years from three Chinese–Japanese bilingual children aged between 2;1 and 5;0. Data and analysis: The database consists of nearly 300 hours of spontaneous conversations that are audio-recorded from the families of the three bilingual children, as well as diary entries. It shows that a large number of code switching utterances involve discourse particles. Findings/conclusions: Qualitative analyses of the data indicate that discourse particles are generally constrained by the MLF, yet they do not fit into any category of the 4-M model. Morphologically bound, discourse particles represent the information structure of a sentence (as in the Japanese topic marker - wa) or encode constraints on the inferential processes (as in the Japanese complementizer - kara) rather than truth-conditional information. They manifest some idiosyncrasy at the interface of syntax and pragmatics, and set up the MLF at a discourse level. Thus, the MLF model is extended from a merely syntactic level to the syntax–discourse interface. Originality: The present work has contributed empirical evidence from a hitherto undocumented language pair of Chinese and Japanese, and made theoretical explorations on the linguistic constraints of discourse particles. Significance/implications: On one hand, it is work that provides support for the robust nature of universality of the MLF constraints on code switching. On the other hand, discourse particles exhibit typological features that need further theoretical exploration in order to make a more comprehensive account for the grammatical constraints on Chinese–Japanese code switching.

Donc et les Consécutifs. Des Systèmes de Contraintes Différentiels

1996 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinne Rossari ◽  
Jacques Jayez
Keyword(s):  
General Problem ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Propositional Attitude ◽  
Discourse Markers ◽  
Propositional Content ◽  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
Type B ◽  
Basic Distinction ◽  
Semantic Properties ◽  
Semantic Scope

In this paper, we investigate some syntactic and semantic properties of a subclass of consecution discourse markers, or "connectives", in French. Consecution connectives express causal, implicative, or deductive relations between propositional entities. Typical instances of the class in English are therefore, so, then. We study the specific properties of donc (resembling therefore) in contrast with de ce fait, du coup, and alors (which can be rendered by so or then in many cases). We first describe the surface position constraints for these connectives, and relate the observations to the general problem of adverb position. Next, we appeal to a basic distinction between illocutionary force, propositional attitude, and propositional content to explain some observed semantic scope differences among the four items. Focussing on donc, we turn to the problem of the (in)compatibility of these connectives with if-sentences, illustrated by the following contrast. (A) S'il fait beau, alors j'irai me promener If the weather is fine, (then) I'll have a walk (B ) ?? S'il fait beau, donc j'irai me promener If the weather is fine, (therefore) I'll have a walk We connect this difference with a variation in connexion "strength", a notion we substantiate in the final section by resorting to a version of generalized quantification. We also consider the influence of surfacc position on acceptability for examples of type (B), and we propose that this should be related to a difference in syntactic scope, which shows in explicative c 'est que structures as well.

On Sentence-final Particles ye and yi in Pre-Qin Chinese: A Study Mainly Based on Evidence from Zuo-zhuan

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-71
Author(s):  
Chenghui Liu
Keyword(s):  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
Declarative Sentence ◽  
Historical Developments ◽  
Zuo Zhuan ◽  
Grammatical Functions ◽  
Final Particles

This paper re-opens a discussion on the grammatical functions of declarative sentence final particles ye [也] and yi [矣] in Pre-Qin Chinese. Whereas traditional grammarians hold the opinion that ye and yi are markers of mood, Pulleyblank (1994) argues against it. The present study concludes that their functions have to do with expressing the speaker’s subjectivity, and will be better interpreted in terms of illocutionary force. Its findings support traditional grammarians’ opinion, and further suggest that ye indicate the force of identification, and yi, the force of estimate. It is plausible that the above-mentioned functions of ye and yi are results from historical developments.

scholarly journals The acquisition of Mandarin sentence final particles by Italian learners

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-494
Author(s):  
Linda Badan ◽  
Chiara Romagnoli
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Analysis ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Intermediate Level ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
Proficiency Level ◽  
Final Particles

AbstractThis article deals with the acquisition of four Mandarin sentence final particles ma, a, ba, ne by Italian native speakers. The research gives a contribution to the study of sentence final particles from an acquisition and didactic perspective, which has been scarcely investigated in the linguistic literature. The article proposes a quantitative and qualitative experimental analysis with two groups of Italian learners, one at elementary proficiency level and one at intermediate level. The research shows that ne and ba are the most challenging particles to acquire by Italian learners. We argue that this due to the fact that ne and ba are highly polyfunctional and they do not simply determine the type of clause. The functions of ne and ba tested in this paper, in fact, are better defined as discourse particles, whose meaning is highly dependent from the context. Moreover, the experiment demonstrates not only that the proficiency level is straightforward correlated to the mastery of sentence final particles, as expected, but also that the didactic tools play a crucial role. As a matter of fact, the results of this study opens up a number of pedagogical implications in relation to the teaching of Mandarin sentence final particles to Italian learners.

On the syntax-discourse interface of nonsententials in Mandarin

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-305
Author(s):  
Wei-Cherng Sam Jheng
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
Clausal Structure ◽  
Major Consequence ◽  
West Flemish ◽  
Theory Of Discourse ◽  
Discourse Particle ◽  
Discourse Interface ◽  
Type Information

Abstract This paper aims to develop the empirical and theoretical basis for the necessity of motivating a cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999) to the clausal structure of nonsententials (NSs) in Mandarin. Especially noteworthy about NSs is that they are able to encode clause type information, illocutionary force and the discourse roles speaker and hearer/addressee, though their structure is considerably reduced. Following the line of reasoning in Sigurðsson & Maling (2012) and Tsai (2015a, 2015b), I show that NSs have a fully-fledged CP structure, according to the effects exerted upon their interpretation. Adopting Haegeman’s (2014) sa*P analysis of the discourse particle in West Flemish, I argue that NSs contain a suprasentential structure, a Speech Act layer, dominating ForceP and responsible for the encoding of the speaker- hearer/addressee relation sensitive to the immediate context. Crucially, it is argued that the discourse properties surrounding NSs pertain to the articulated CP structure of NSs. The major consequence of the proposed analysis is to show that the theory of discourse is closely tied to the architecture of grammar in general, adding weight to the view that the transparent syntax-discourse mapping results from a set of functional projections layered in the CP periphery.

The emergence of e5 khuan2 个款 as a sensory evidential marker in TSM

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Chinfa Lien
Keyword(s):  
Layered Structure ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Semantic Interpretation ◽  
Grammatical Function ◽  
Ambiguous Case ◽  
Semantic Properties ◽  
Final Particles

Abstract This paper takes the string e5 khuan2 个款 (EK for short) as an ambiguous case to show the emergence of a grammatical function out of a lexical category. It examines the ambiguity of EK in conjunction with the analysis of its syntactic structure. It explores the collocates of EK including a range of matrix predicates and sentence-final particles. It pins down EK as a sensory evidential marker in semantic interpretation. Finally, it teases out the unique syntactic and semantic properties of EK in terms of the layered structure of sentence-final particles.

Disentangling the meanings of two Cantonese evidential particles

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Wakefield
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Discourse Markers ◽  
Minimal Pair ◽  
The Other ◽  
Discourse Context ◽  
Discourse Particles ◽  
Working Hypothesis ◽  
Acceptability Judgments ◽  
Final Particles

Some linguists have argued that sentence-final particles (SFPs) are only meaningful in relation to the content of the discourse. This is of course an empirical matter subject to investigation. Adopting a working hypothesis that SFPs have core meanings independent of the discourse context, this paper proposes definitions for two evidential SFPs in Cantonese with related meanings: lo1 and aa1maa3. The method for developing the SFPs’ definitions is adopted (with modifications) from Besemeres and Wierzbicka’s (2003) proposal for defining “discourse markers.” Corpus-based examples and constructed minimal-pair dialogues are used to demonstrate that the definitions succeed at accounting for all the contexts that allow one, the other, both, or neither of the SFPs to be used based on acceptability judgments from native-Cantonese speakers. In addition to furthering our understanding of the two SFPs under discussion, this paper provides empirical evidence in support of the idea that discourse particles have context-independent meanings.

scholarly journals Towards a model of the syntax–discourse interface: a syntactic analysis of please

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
REBECCA WOODS
Keyword(s):  
Speech Act ◽  
Discourse Markers ◽  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Functional Elements ◽  
Discourse Marker ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Discourse Interface

This article examines the syntax and semantics of please. Using a mainstream generative syntactic framework, I propose that syntactically integrated please is a discourse marker that marks the clause in which it occurs as a request. Please may appear clause-initially or clause-medially as determined by a number of factors, including clause type, modality, negation and the application of ellipsis. There is also a homophonous marker please that occurs in clause-final position; clause-final please does not mark requests per se but ‘bonds’ a speaker and addressee, reinforcing their relationship as requester and requestee. This analysis of please provides support for syntactic approaches to speech act structure, particularly the claim that illocutionary force is part of narrow syntax rather than a solely pragmatic phenomenon. The article provides support for pursuing a model of the syntax–discourse interface in which interactions between discourse markers and clause-internal functional elements, such as mood and modality, form the interface between syntax and discourse.

scholarly journals Teori Tindak Tutur dalam Studi Linguistik Pragmatik

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Akhmad Saifudin
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Speech Act Theory ◽  
Illocutionary Force ◽  
John Searle ◽  
Field Of Study ◽  
Essential Condition ◽  
Illocutionary Acts ◽  
Present Information ◽  
Semantic Properties

This article explains the theory of speech acts proposed by John L. Austin and his student John R. Searle. Speech act theory is a sub-field of pragmatics. This field of study deals with the ways in which words can be used not only to present information but also to carry out actions. This theory considers three levels or components of speech: locutionary acts (the making of a meaningful statement, saying something that a hearer understands), illocutionary acts (saying something with a purpose, such as to inform), and perlocutionary acts (saying something that causes someone to act). Many view speech acts as the central units of communication, with phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of an utterance serving as ways of identifying the meaning of speaker’s utterance or illocutionary force. There are five types of Illocutionary point according to Searle: declarations, assertives, expressives, directives, and commissives (1979:viii). A speech act, in order to be successful, needs to be performed along certain types of conditions. These conditions were categorized by the linguist John Searle, who introduced the term felicity conditions: propositional content condition, preparatory condition, sincerity condition, and essential condition.

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