Anarchist, Antisemit, Aufklärer? Vier Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Nietzsches Philosophie und Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-311
Author(s):  
Paul Stephan
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
Political Commitments ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Four new publications provide an overview of the relationship between Nietzsche’s philosophical thought and his political commitments. Together they highlight the true complexity of Nietzsche’s politics, since some of his ideas can be adapted to anarchist and right-wing positions as much as, for instance, to Frankfurt School critical theory. At the same time, these contributions underscore the limitations of a strictly positivist, or philological approach, since any assessment of Nietzsche’s politics cannot be detached from the political faultlines of the present.

The People: Ethnoracial Configurations, Old and New

2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Association ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Point Of Departure

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Sara Brill
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Animal Life ◽  
The Relationship

The introduction summarizes the main theses of the book, describes the broader conceptual terrain to which it contributes, and locates the stakes of its central claims within the context of several central concerns of contemporary critical theory. It thus demonstrates the importance of the study of the concept of shared life for our understanding of Aristotle’s approach to animal life more generally and political animality in particular; corrects for an influential but infelicitous formulation of the relationship between the two ancient Greek words for life (zōē and bios); and highlights the relevance of the political valence of life that emerges from Aristotle’s thought once we set aside this formulation.

Could Populism Be Good for Constitutional Democracy?

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bojan Bugaric
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Single Form ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Scene

Populism is Janus-faced. There is not a single form of populism but rather a variety of different forms, each with profoundly different political consequences. Despite the current hegemony of authoritarian populism, a much different sort of populism is also possible: democratic and antiestablishment populism, which combines elements of liberal and democratic convictions. When we examine the relationship between populism and constitutional democracy, populism should not be considered in isolation from its host ideology. Examples of democratic, liberal, socially inclusive forms of populism quite clearly show that authoritarianism and anti-pluralism are not necessarily the key elements of populism. However, the paucity of democratic populism also suggests that we have to look at factors other than ideology to understand why nativist and authoritarian populism currently dominates the political scene. Without understanding the political economy of the populist revolt, it is difficult to understand the true roots of populism and, consequently, to devise an appropriate democratic alternative to authoritarian populism. The ascendancy of right-wing nationalist populism today is a symptom of the failure of progressive politics.

scholarly journals Populism

Soundings ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (72) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
David Featherstone ◽  
Lazaros Karaliotas
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Grassroots Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Populism refers to forms of politics that put 'the people' at their centre, but the way 'the people' is understood varies widely. Questions of left populism have gained significant traction and engagement in the last decade - and this is a key focus of this article. While recognising the importance of Ernesto Laclau's analysis in On Populist Reason, the authors argue that his work is hindered by an overly formalist account of the political. Stuart Hall's writings on Thatcherism offer a more contextual and situated engagement with particular populist strategies, and have continuing relevance for understanding right-wing populism. Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece offer actually existing experiences of left populism. We discuss three limitations in their strategies: their 'nationed' narratives of the crisis; the relationship between the parties' leadership and grassroots politics; and the nature of their engagement with internationalist political projects. Part of the critical terms series

scholarly journals The ‘new’ League success in the red belt and its post-fascist inheritance: evidence from 2018 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moreno Mancosu ◽  
Riccardo Ladini
Keyword(s):  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

In 2018 national elections, the Lega, an Italian xenophobic right-wing party, has dramatically increased its consensus in the ‘red belt’, the central part of the country traditionally ruled by center-left parties. Pundits have argued that this performance can be attributed to the effect of the new leadership of Matteo Salvini, who shifted the ideological location of the party (that now aims at being a national right-wing party), combined with the drop in preferences of Forza Italia, the ally/competitor in the right-wing ideological spectrum. This paper aims at providing new insights in the explanation of these electoral outcomes, by hypothesizing that geographical trajectories of diffusion of the party are correlated with the presence of geographically clustered post-fascist minorities present in the region since the First Republic age. By employing official figures at the municipality level, the paper analyses the relationship between the percentages of votes for the MSI (the most relevant post-fascist force during the First Republic) in 1976 and the Lega Nord in the 2006-2018 period. Consistent with our hypothesis, the post-fascist inheritance is significantly correlated with the local prevalence for the Lega Nord in 2018, after the change in the political discourse and leadership of the party. Empirical analyses provide evidence of our expectations, even when controlling for unemployment rate and percentage of immigrants.

Habermas and the critique of political economy

2020 ◽  
pp. 019145372091993
Author(s):  
J.F Dorahy
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Capitalism ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Century Thought

In recent years, a series of key social, political and economic events has placed the critique of capitalism very much on the theoretical agenda. Responding to these developments, many have begun to express the need for a rapprochement between social criticism and the critique of political economy. The present essay represents a contribution to the recovery of the project that was once synonymous with critical theory itself via a critical engagement with the early writings of Jürgen Habermas. Not only is Habermas’ explicit engagement with the critique of political economy among the most substantial to be found within the mainstream tradition of critical theory, his early social-theoretical insights into the emergent ‘primacy of the political’ in late capitalism can be taken as representative of a number of broader trends in late-20th-century thought which sought to go beyond the premises and categories of Marx’s economic works. Simply put, no reappraisal of the relationship between critical theory and the critique of political economy can succeed, I submit, without taking seriously Habermas’s path-breaking and wide-ranging innovations.

scholarly journals The Influence of Political Ideology on Fake News Belief: The Portuguese Case

Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
João Pedro Baptista ◽  
Elisete Correia ◽  
Anabela Gradim ◽  
Valeriano Piñeiro-Naval
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Confirmation Bias ◽  
Psychological Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Digital News ◽  
News Literacy ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between a subject’s ideological persuasion with the belief and spread of fake news is the object of our study. Departing from a left- vs. right-wing framework, a questionnaire sought to position subjects on this political-ideological spectrum and demanded them to evaluate five pro-left and pro-right fake and real news, totaling 20 informational products. The results show the belief and dissemination of (fake) news are related to the political ideology of the participants, with right-wing subjects exhibiting a greater tendency to accept fake news, regardless of whether it is pro-left or pro-right fake news. These findings contradict the confirmation bias and may suggest that a greater influence of factors such as age, the level of digital news literacy and psychological aspects in the judgment of fake news are at play. Older and less educated respondents indicated they believed and would disseminate fake news at greater rates. Regardless of the ideology they favor, the Portuguese attributed higher credibility to the sample’s real news, a fact that can be meaningful regarding the fight against disinformation in Portugal and elsewhere.

Populism and environmental (in)justice in Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Marcelo Lopes de Souza
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores the relationship between populism and environmental justice in Latin America. It was not only within the framework of overtly dictatorial regimes during the 20th century that the struggles for social justice and human rights in Latin America faced severe obstacles and suffered setbacks. They have also been badly hampered by populism — both right-wing neo-populism with its component of intolerance and conservatism, and left-wing populism, which, by means of co-opting civil society, helps demobilise it and slow down or limit processes of awareness and radicalisation of democracy. The struggles for environmental justice are a crucial example of this. The chapter then addresses the main aspects of how left-wing neo-populism has undermined environmental justice in Latin America, and particularly in Brazil. It focuses more closely on the political and ideological consequences of left-wing populism's contradictions and failure in terms of a deepening of social tensions and struggles. The chapter argues that left-wing neo-populism has been ultimately part of the problem rather than of the solution.

scholarly journals Review of Hegemony, Mass Media, and Cultural Studies: Properties of Meaning, Power, and Value in Cultural Production by Sean Johnson Andrews (Rowman & Littlefield)

Lateral ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Wood
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Readership ◽  
History Of

Sean Johnson Andrews has produced an engaging text of multifaceted value. His work, particularly the opening chapters, provides a concise history of the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), the (early) Frankfurt School Critical Theory, and the Political Economy of Communication (PEC). Although the histories and notable figureheads of these schools will be broadly familiar to most scholars working in the realm of cultural studies, these opening chapters would be an excellent introduction to the field for either a general readership or students. Indeed, this would make a good textbook in many contexts.

A racionalidade do desenho animando mais assistido no cinema, processos educacionais e a pseudoformação

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Costa Pereira ◽  
Juliana de Castro Chaves
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Professional Training ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
Socialization Processes ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Stimulation Of

Cinema is a cultural product that mediates both educational and socialization processes as well as school processes, so it is important to investigate the relationship between cinema, education and professional training. It can be said that there is a tendency to incorporate the movie by the assigned approach or as a pedagogical resource to make the class more dynamic without further reflection. It is precisely for this protagonism that we decided to study the rationality of the production of the most popular cartoon in Brazil between 2009 and 2015. The theoretical basis of analysis is the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, mainly Adorno and Horkheimer. The cartoon presents a logic of American production permeated by the emphasis on detail, propagation of stereotypes, cliches, identity between all and part, heroification of the average hero, expropriation of Kantian schematism, repetition of forms that worked involving adventure, hints of humor and romance and serial format. Supernatural outputs, unity between word, image and music, abrupt cuts and speed in the succession of scenes that does not contribute to experience, stimulation of the circle of retroactive needs and a logic of body rather than eroticism and a binary organized reality, these are some of the mediating elements that favor pseudoformation.

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