Populism and environmental (in)justice in Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Marcelo Lopes de Souza
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores the relationship between populism and environmental justice in Latin America. It was not only within the framework of overtly dictatorial regimes during the 20th century that the struggles for social justice and human rights in Latin America faced severe obstacles and suffered setbacks. They have also been badly hampered by populism — both right-wing neo-populism with its component of intolerance and conservatism, and left-wing populism, which, by means of co-opting civil society, helps demobilise it and slow down or limit processes of awareness and radicalisation of democracy. The struggles for environmental justice are a crucial example of this. The chapter then addresses the main aspects of how left-wing neo-populism has undermined environmental justice in Latin America, and particularly in Brazil. It focuses more closely on the political and ideological consequences of left-wing populism's contradictions and failure in terms of a deepening of social tensions and struggles. The chapter argues that left-wing neo-populism has been ultimately part of the problem rather than of the solution.

scholarly journals Derechos Humanos Y Democracia: Algunas Tensiones Teóricas Y Progmáticas

Xihmai ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Humberto Mejí­a Zarazúa
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Vulnerable Populations ◽  
Multinational Organizations ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Relationship

      RESUMEN Se abordan algunos aspectos de la relación entre derechos humanos y democracia. Dicha relación es importante para establecer algunas "tensiones" tanto teóricas como prácticas en relación con su universalidad, con su concreción jurí­dica, con la actuación de organismos multinacionales, con la democracia en América Latina, el culturalismo y el universalismo alrededor de los derechos humanos y la población vulnerable respecto de estos derechos. Se menciona brevemente el caso de México y se finaliza mencionando la relación entre sociedad civil y el futuro de los derechos humanos. ABSTRACT The relationship between human rights and democracy is important in that it sheds light on some theoretical as well as practical "tensions" related to its universality, its legal application, the actions of multinational organizations, democracy in Latin America, the multiculturalism and universalism associated with human rights and the position of vulnerable populations with respect to these rights. The case of Mexico is mentioned briefly and the essay concludes with an overview of the relationship between civil society and human rights. 

Left-wing Regimes in Contemporary Latin America: Theoretical Concepts and Political Practice

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-160
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Iwanowski ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Role Of The State

The article examines contemporary approaches to the interpretation of left-wing political regimes and offers his own typology. Particular attention is paid to the fluctuations of the political pendulum in the region in the first decades of this century, the reasons for the successes and failures of the left forces. The author analyzes the ideology and practical activity of the center-left and radical left governments and comes to the conclusion that the persisting and even deepening disagreements between them are associated not only with the interpretation of the socialist ideas, the recognition of various forms of property, the role of the state in the economy, its social functions and foreign policy orientation, but also with the peculiarities of electoral legislation, ensuring political pluralism, forms of political participation and respect for human rights and civil liberties.

25. Nigeria

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Wright
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Human Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ongoing Development ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Aspects

This chapter examines the consolidation of democracy and human rights in Nigeria. With regard to the relationship between development and human rights, Nigeria presents an interesting puzzle. It is rich in oil, but has not been able to translate its immense natural resources into sustainable economic development and respect for human rights. Ethnic and religious tensions, a result of colonialism, have been exacerbated by disastrous economic development, which has in turn led to a deteriorating human rights situation and intense violence. The chapter first considers the political economy of Nigerian oil before discussing the country’s political and economic development, with particular emphasis on critical aspects of human security and civil society. It concludes with an assessment of the progress that has been made as well as ongoing development challenges Nigeria faces.

scholarly journals The Association Between Threat and Politics Depends on the Type of Threat, the Political Domain, and the Country

2020 ◽  
pp. 014616722094618
Author(s):  
Mark J. Brandt ◽  
Felicity M. Turner-Zwinkels ◽  
Beste Karapirinler ◽  
Florian Van Leeuwen ◽  
Michael Bender ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Multilevel Models ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Country Characteristics ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Relationship

Theories link threat with right-wing political beliefs. We use the World Values Survey (60,378 participants) to explore how six types of threat (e.g., economic, violence, and surveillance) are associated with multiple political beliefs (e.g., cultural, economic, and ideological identification) in 56 countries/territories. Multilevel models with individuals nested in countries revealed that the threat-political belief association depends on the type of threat, the type of political belief, and the country. Economic-related threats tended to be associated with more left-wing economic political beliefs and violence-related threats tended to be associated with more cultural right-wing beliefs, but there were exceptions to this pattern. Additional analyses revealed that the associations between threat and political beliefs were different across countries. However, our analyses identified few country characteristics that could account for these cross-country differences. Our findings revealed that political beliefs and perceptions of threat are linked, but that the relationship is not simple.

scholarly journals The association between threat and politics simultaneously depends on the type of threat, the political domain, and the country

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark John Brandt ◽  
Felicity Mary Turner-Zwinkels ◽  
Beste Karapirinler ◽  
Florian van Leeuwen ◽  
Michael Bender ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Multilevel Models ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Country Characteristics ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
The Relationship

Theories link threat with right-wing political beliefs. We use the World Values Survey (60,378 participants) to explore how six types of threat (e.g., economic, violence, and surveillance) are associated with multiple political beliefs (e.g., cultural, economic, and ideological identification) in 56 countries/territories. Multilevel models with individuals nested in countries revealed that the threat-political belief association depends on the type of threat, the type of political beliefs, and the country. Economic-related threats tended to be associated with more left-wing economic political beliefs and violence-related threats tended to be associated with more cultural right-wing beliefs, but there were exceptions to this pattern. Additional analyses revealed that the associations between threat and political beliefs were different across countries. However, our analyses identified few country characteristics that could account for these cross-country differences. Our findings revealed that political beliefs and perceptions of threat are linked, but that the relationship is not simple.

scholarly journals LAS POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS CON PERSPECTIVA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS EN EL GIRO A LA IZQUIERDA. DE LA RUPTURA A LA SEGUNDA VUELTA INSTITUCIONAL EN VENEZUELA Y ECUADOR

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Claudia Espinosa Díaz ◽  
Daniel Vázquez Valencia
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
Relevant Role ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Relationship

Hay tres procesos políticos que interactúan en algunos países de América Latina: el giro a la izquierda, la generación de movimientos constituyentes impulsados por dichos gobiernos, y un cada vez más relevante papel de los derechos humanos (DH) en la formulación de política pública (PP). Daremos cuenta de la convergencia de estos procesos situándonos en el último: la PP con perspectiva de DH (PPDH). La constitucionalización de los derechos humanos es un tema extensamente trabajado; sin embargo, la vinculación de este con la política pública es un ámbito de análisis relativamente nuevo, aunque fundamental para entender las brechas entre el cumplimiento y el ejercicio de los derechos humanos. Nos preguntamos: ¿cuál es la relación entre las constituciones emitidas por los gobiernos del giro a la izquierda y la formulación de PPDH? Se esperaría que el papel que tomaron los DH en las nuevas constituciones tuviera un impacto sostenido en la formulación de la PP;  no obstante, esto no es necesariamente así. Si bien hay interacción entre las constituciones y las PP, hay dos aspectos interesantes por subrayar: el proceso de resignificación, en el caso ecuatoriano, y la segunda vuelta institucional, en el caso venezolano. Public policies with a human rights perspective in the shift to the left. From rupture to the second round in Venezuela and Ecuador  Abstract  There are three processes that interact in certain countries in Latin America: the shift to the left, movements to develop new constitutions driven by left wing governments , and the increasingly relevant role played by human rights in the development of public policy. We will make evident these interactions by analyzing this last point: public policy with a human rights perspective (PPHR). The inclusion of human rights in constitutions is something that has been thoroughly analyzed; yet the link of this inclusion with pubic policy is an area that is relatively new despite it being key in understanding the gaps between the fulfillment and enjoyment of human rights. We ask: what is the relationship between constitutions issued by left wing governments and the development of PPHR? One would expect that the role played by human rights in new constitutions would have a sustained impact in the development of PP. This is not necessarily the case: although there is interaction between constitutions and PP, there are two interesting aspects to highlight: the rebranding in the case of Ecuador and the second round in the case of Venezuela.

Risk, Desire and Adaptation: The Paradox of Queer Solidarity and the Political Possibility of Death Under Neoliberalism and Homonationalism

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Strategy I

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.

Anarchist, Antisemit, Aufklärer? Vier Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Nietzsches Philosophie und Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 296-311
Author(s):  
Paul Stephan
Keyword(s):  
Critical Theory ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
Political Commitments ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Four new publications provide an overview of the relationship between Nietzsche’s philosophical thought and his political commitments. Together they highlight the true complexity of Nietzsche’s politics, since some of his ideas can be adapted to anarchist and right-wing positions as much as, for instance, to Frankfurt School critical theory. At the same time, these contributions underscore the limitations of a strictly positivist, or philological approach, since any assessment of Nietzsche’s politics cannot be detached from the political faultlines of the present.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

Arnoldo Alemán Takes on the NGOs: Antifeminism and the New Populism in Nicaragua

2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Kampwirth
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Nongovernmental Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Born

This article analyzes the campaign of Nicaraguan president Arnoldo Alemán (1997–2002) against organized competitors, what has been called his war against the nongovernmental organizations, or NGOs. Alemán's attacks on the NGO sector are shown to be consistent with the logic of the new populism in Latin America. At the same time, his choice of targets—prominent NGO figures who were often foreign-born and always female—must be explained with reference to the specifics of Nicaraguan civil society and its evolving relationship with the political parties. This study argues that by choosing to respond to the challenges of international neoliberalism and local feminism through the anti-NGO campaign, Alemán helped to weaken democracy in Nicaragua.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document