scholarly journals Alternative Religiosity in Communist Yugoslavia: Migration as a Survival Strategy of the Nazarene Community

Open Theology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Djurić Milovanović

AbstractThe Nazarenes were founded by a former Reformed minister Samuel Fröhlich about 1830 in Switzerland, but they soon expanded to Central and Eastern Europe. Because of their pacifist beliefs and refusal to swear and to take an oath a large number of the Nazarenes were condemned to severe prison sentences. This religious community was persecuted primarily during the communist era in Southeastern European countries (Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia) since they were considered disloyal citizens and a threat to the government. From 1945 until 1960 the Nazarene illegal border crossing from Yugoslavia to Italy or Austria was highly present. Rejecting one of the essential components of Yugoslav communism, so-called “nationwide defence and social self-protection”, the Nazarenes were perceived as anti-communists and their existence was seen as illegitimate. The repression of this religious minority in communist Yugoslavia is the subject of this paper. The material collected for the purposes of this paper came to be the result of empirical research, conducted in Serbia (2009-2013) and the United States (2015), on the Nazarene community and their emigration to North America. Based on qualitative interviews and archival research, this paper aims to analyse community members’ narratives of their lives during communism and emigration of this religious minority across the Atlantic.

1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan G. Reissman

AbstractIntroduction:Osborne and Gaebler's Reinventing Government has sparked discussion amongst elected officials, civil servants, the media, and the general public regarding advantages of privatizing government services. Its support stems from an effort to provide services to municipalities while reducing taxpayer expenditure. Many echo the sentiment of former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, who said, “It is not government's obligation to provide services, but to see that they're provided.” Even in the area of public safety, privatization has found a “market.”In many localities, privatizing Emergency Medical Services (EMS) is a popular and successful method for providing ambulance services. Privately owned ambulance services staff and respond to medical emergencies in a given community as part of the 9–1–1 emergency response system. Regulations for acceptable response times, equipment, and other essential components of EMS systems are specified by contract. This allows the municipality oversight of the service provided, but it does not provide the service directly. As will be discussed, this “contracting-out” model has many benefits.Privatizing EMS services is a decision based not only on cost-savings, but on accountability. A thorough evaluation must be utilized in the selection process. Issues of efficiency, effectiveness, quality, customer service, responsiveness, and equity must be considered by the government, in addition to cost of service.The uncertain future of health care in the United States has led those in EMS to look beyond the field's internal market to explore additional opportunities for expanding and redefining its roles beyond emergency care. It is important, however, to consider how emergency medical care, the original role of EMS, can be best delivered. Responding to emergencies is not just one of the functions involved in this field, it is the principal function from which public perception of EMS is formed, and from which support for entering other markets can be fostered.The purpose of this paper is to present several important concepts and considerations that public officials, medical directors, and the public must be aware of when contemplating the possibility of privatizing their Emergency Medical Services. A review of the general concepts of privatization and issues of accountability will be presented, referencing policy experts, followed by an examination of how advocates of privatization might see these issues as they relate to providing EMS. The conclusion will present prescriptions for both municipal and commercial ambulance providers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (6) ◽  
pp. 677-702 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurie Cook Heffron

Increasing numbers of Central American women cross the U.S.–Mexico border, prompting social service providers, advocates, and policy makers to investigate motivations and appropriate responses. Drawing from a constructivist grounded theory study and in-depth qualitative interviews, this article explores women’s experiences of domestic and sexual violence in relation to migration. Findings reveal interconnections across multiple and interconnecting categories of violence as precipitating factors for migration, during border-crossing, and following arrival in the United States. This study fills gaps in our understanding of the violence-migration nexus and provides direction for policy, practice, and advocacy, in the context of shifting political landscapes and migration trends.


Author(s):  
Lindsey Flewelling

By the Home Rule period, religion and politics were intertwined as essential components of Ulster’s relationship with the United States. This chapter illustrates the ways in which evangelical religion was utilized to help build a transatlantic religious community. Scotch-Irish and Ulster Scots connections were born out of religious associations. Ulster Protestants were inspired by the American Protestant religious example and critical of the roles of Catholics in American society. Irish Protestant churches called upon their American counterparts to support anti-Home Rule stances. As this chapter demonstrates, shared religious heritage was a defining feature of the Ulster unionist view of America throughout this era.


Author(s):  
Xiaojue Wang

The Cold War marks a key moment in a historical process that catalyzed a multivalent, transnational topography of Chinese literature. This chapter examines borderlands narratives in Cold War China that deal with borders, border-crossers, and the imaginary of other spaces. It features an analysis of Lu Ling’s “Wadi shang de ‘zhanyi’” (“Battle” of the Lowlands) in conjunction with Eileen Chang’sChidi zhilian(Love in the Redland). By emplotting the Korean War, these two stories address China–Korea contact from the perspective of romance, passion, and desire. The chapter continues with a reading of Deng Kebao (Bo Yang)’sYiyu(Alien lands), which tells the story of a Kuomintang force that continued to fight on in the borderlands of southwestern China, Burma, Laos, and Thailand long after the government had retreated to Taiwan. Although informed by ideological dictates of the KMT or the PRC cultural propaganda bureaus, or in Eileen Chang’s case by the United States Information Service (USIS) in Hong Kong, these three works explore border-crossing experiences in national, cultural, or existential terms and complicate the jagged boundaries of China and its identity politics.


1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-578 ◽  

From its 874th through its 876th meetings the Security Council considered the complaint of the government of Cuba that that country had been subjected by the government of the United States to “repeated threats, harassments, intrigues, reprisals and aggressive acts.” The discussion was opened by Mr. Raúl Roa, Cuban Minister for Foreign Affairs, who began by asserting that Cuba had been under no juridical obligation to bring its complaint to the Organization of American States (OAS) before submitting it to the Council. He then traced the history of United States hostility to the revolutionary government of Cuba, hostility based, in his opinion, on opposition to the Agrarian Reform instituted by that government and culminating in the recent drastic curtailment of the Cuban sugar quota. In his reply to Mr. Roa, Mr. Lodge (United States) assured the Cuban government that the United States had no aggressive purposes against Cuba, and deplored the removal of the controversy between the two nations from its rightful forum in OAS to the Security Council. He also indicated, after a summary of Cuban-United States relations during the preceding year and a half from the United States point of view, that the reduction of the Cuban sugar quota had been no act of economic aggression, but rather a justifiable measure of self-protection on the part of the United States to ensure its needed supply of sugar in the face of acts by the Cuban government which made this supply extremely insecure. In conclusion, Mr. Lodge stated his belief that someday, somehow, Cuba and the United States would again be friends.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
Galina Zelenina ◽  

The paper discusses a number of the most remarkable responses to the COVID‑19 pandemic and to the social isolation measures coming from several, mostly ultra‑Orthodox, Jewish communities in Israel, the United States, and Russia. It examines major elements of the crisis discourse, i.e., the hermeneutics of the causes and meanings of the pandemic; the affirmation of group borders and hierarchies as a result of the search for culprits; the relations between the religious community and the state; as well as the possible transformations of social behavior and ritual practices resulting from the crisis.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-278
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas

This research conceptually aims to find out the strategy the Shia community in Sidoarjo, East Java, and Ahmadiyya community in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, have employed to defend themselves from the pressure of the state and Sunni Muslim as majority group due to the differences in textual interpretation toward Islamic Holy Scriptures (The Qur’an). The theoretical implication from this study is to evaluate and criticize social resilience concept which refers to developmentalistic perspectives such as the use of social capital. In this article, social resilience is closely related to strategy of minorities to establish a tolerant multi religious community. This study argues that social resilience of religious minority groups, i.e. Shia in Sidoarjo and Ahmadiyya in Mataram, is formed by various aspects, such as the government policies on religious life, history of group formation, social relations and network, understanding towards religious values and spirituality, and cultural bonds in the community. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v19i2.418


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

Assistance for immigrants to learn English, receive health services, open a bank account, apply for naturalization, or get a work certification is generally considered the responsibility of the government and society of the country where they reside, as part of the process of supporting their integration and ultimately their formal acquisition of citizenship. But in the past two decades, Mexico and other countries of origin of Latin American migrants in the United States have increasingly taken part in these activities through their consular representations, with the stated goal of addressing the needs and protecting the rights of precarious status migrants. These diaspora policies—focused on the provision of social services for emigrants in their country of destination as a way to support their well-being and access to opportunities to participate as community members in the places where they live—are one of the clearest manifestations of the reconceptualization of the boundaries of citizenship and the rights and obligations that come with it. These cases reveal how origin countries can play an important role in providing resources to support migrants’ access to social rights in the country of destination, an area of migration governance that is rarely discussed as a space for collaboration between governments, civil society, migrants, and international institutions. At the same time, the expansion of rights across borders offers an opportunity to re-examine questions of state accountability and responsibility regarding the causes of emigration as well as the protection of rights for returning migrants.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


Author(s):  
Paul Frymer

This book examines the politics of the United States' westward expansion, showing how the government's regulation of population movements on the frontier, both settlement and removal, advanced national aspirations for empire and promoted the formation of a white settler nation. The book details how a government that struggled to exercise plenary power used federal land policies to assert authority over the direction of expansion by engineering the pace and patterns of settlement and to control the movement of populations. At times, the government mobilized populations for compact settlement in strategically important areas of the frontier; at other times, policies were designed to actively restrain settler populations in order to prevent violence, international conflict, and breakaway states. The book examines how these settlement patterns helped construct a dominant racial vision for America by incentivizing and directing the movement of white European settlers onto indigenous and diversely populated lands. The book pays close attention to the failures as well, from the lack of further expansion into Latin America to the defeat of the black colonization movement. It reveals the lasting and profound significance government settlement policies had for the nation, both for establishing America as dominantly white and for restricting broader aspirations for empire in lands that could not be so racially engineered.


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