The logical-semantic content of subject: A configurational view from syntax and LF

Author(s):  
Rafał Jurczyk

AbstractThe paper raises the topic of what the functional and logical notion of subject is. It examines the syntax-semantic nature of Icelandic and Polish quirky subject constructions (subjectless clauses in which the initial DP bears oblique Case) with psych-verbs. Of main interest is the full vs. default agreement on V which nominative DPs and quirky subjects always trigger, respectively. We attempt to define the primitive notion of subject from two standpoints – its LF representation and how it is mirrored syntactically by the predication relation of the subject with respect to vP/VP and the proposition of the sentence in TP between the subject and T′. We discuss the semantic and configurational dependencies between quirky subjects and nominative DPs and vP and TP/CP. The paper investigates also the landing site for non-nominative initial DPs and argues for the Topic Phrase in the Left Periphery (Rizzi 1997) as a most natural candidate to host quirky subjects. Hopefully, the conclusions reached here may offer some way of bringing the notion of subject towards its more satisfactory understanding and description within the generative approach.

Author(s):  
Ihor Oheruk

Purpose. The purpose of the work is to analyze the application of the second and third parts of Article 3692 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine to officials in the context, that defines them by the Criminal Code of Ukraine in the note to Article 364 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Methodology. The methodology includes a comprehensive analysis and synthesis of the available scientific and theoretical material and the formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. In the course of the study, the following methods of scientific knowledge were used: terminological, logical-semantic, system-structural, logical-normative. Results: in the course of research the cause of criminalization of such act as "abuse of power" is considered, the subject of the specified criminal act which has the features of "an official" in the context, that defines it by the note to Article 364 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine is analyzed and the main ways of committing criminal acts, that are provided for in this article of the Criminal Code of Ukraine are identified. Originality. The study found, that one of the key conditions for the opportunity to influence officials, that are authorized to perform government or local self-government functions, is the position held by the official and the related opportunities. Therefore, taking into account the opinion of the scientists, that the subject of crimes, that are provided for by the second and third parts of Article 3692 is special, the peculiarities of which is the cumulative feature, that denotes, that such person is not endowed with the status of an official, well-founded need to specify the criminal legislation of Ukraine in terms of the application the second and third parts of Article 3692 of the Criminal code of Ukraine concerning officials in the context, that defines them by the criminal legislation of Ukraine in the note to Article 364 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Practical significance. The research results can be used in lawmaking in the improvement of anti-corruption legislation.


Author(s):  
Frances Blanchette ◽  
Chris Collins

AbstractThis article presents a novel analysis ofNegative Auxiliary Inversion(NAI) constructions such asdidn't many people eat, in which a negated auxiliary appears in pre-subject position. NAI, found in varieties including Appalachian, African American, and West Texas English, has a word order identical to a yes/no question, but is pronounced and interpreted as a declarative. We propose that NAI subjects are negative DPs, and that the negation raises from the subject DP to adjoin to Fin (a functional head in the left periphery). Three properties of NAI motivate this analysis: (i) scope freezing effects, (ii) the various possible and impossible NAI subject types, and (iii) the incompatibility of NAI constructions with true Double-Negation interpretations. Implications for theories of Negative Concord, Negative Polarity Items, and the representation of negation are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243
Author(s):  
Noriko Kawasaki

Abstract Back in the 1970s, Kazuko Inoue observed that some active sentences in Japanese allow a prepositional subject. Along with impersonal sentences pointed out by S.-Y. Kuroda, such examples suggest that the nominative subject is not an obligatory element in Japanese sentences. While this observation supports the hypothesis that important characteristics of the Japanese language follow from its lack of (forced-)agreement, Japanese potential sentences require the nominative ga on at least one argument. The present article argues that the nominative case particle ga is semantically vacuous even where a ga-marked phrase is indispensable or the ga-marked phrase is construed as exhaustively listing. Stative predicates require a ga-marked phrase because they can ascribe a property to an argument only by function application. The exhaustive listing reading arises by conversational implicature when the presence of a ga-marked phrase signals that a topic phrase is being avoided. The discussion leads to a semantic account of subject honorification whereby the honorification only concerns the semantic content of the predicate, and does not involve agreement with the subject. It is also shown that sentences with a prepositional subject allow zibun only as a long-distance anaphor, which indicates that they do lack a subject with the nominative Case.


Author(s):  
Sergey V. Malanov ◽  
◽  
Marina S. Polyakova ◽  

In the article describes the influence of syntactic organization of speech utterances on peculiarities of actualization and reproduction of their subject-semantic content (meanings). There has been tested the hypotheses that the semantic content of subjects, predicates, and objects is reproduced more efficiently: 1) when attributes are used in the composition of statements with nouns (subjects and objects), and with verbs (predicates) – adverbial modifiers; 2) when there is a deliberate focus on highlighting the semantic content of nouns or verbs in the composition of statements. The methods of varying lexical and syntactic means in the text composition presented to respondents were used as independent variables. The language means respondents used to manifest fragments of semantic content were analyzed as dependent variables. The study involved 90 respondents (72 men, 18 women) aged 25-40. While the first hypothesis has been confirmed, the second still requires additional research. The results obtained indicate that in updating and reproducing the subject-semantic content of speech utterances it is the attribution of signs and properties to objects and processes that is of great importance.The experimental organization scheme used in the study reveals a wide range of patterns that can serve to confirm / refute various hypotheses and theoretical models in psycholinguistics.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdulkhaliq Alazzawie

<p>Unlike displaced lexical DP objects in Standard Arabic (SA) syntax, displaced pronominal objects, however, have received less critical attention especially within Rizzi’s (1997, 2004) left periphery theory and, therefore, some areas of this constructions remain poorly understood. The present paper examines pronominal object cliticization in SA, the status of the clitic, the derivation of the process and the reasons behind its obligatory movement. The analysis is couched within Minimalist Syntax (Chomsky 2001, 2005) and Split CP (Rizzi, 1997, 2004) to explain the motivation for this movement and its landing site. To achieve the aim of the study, a questionnaire containing samples of the studied structures were presented to five native speakers of Arabic who were asked to provide grammaticality judgments. It is suggested that, in this context, the object clitic can be analyzed as undergoing focus movement as a separate verbal complement like a full DP with an additional cliticization process to the head T hosting the lexical verb. </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (26) ◽  
pp. 174-180
Author(s):  
Oleg Volodymyrovych Martselyak ◽  
Vladyslav Volodymyrovych Karelin ◽  
Ihor Mykhailovych Koropatnik ◽  
Rostislav Andriyovych Kalyuzhnyi

The purpose of the article is to investigate the specifics of the object and subject of staffing of the National Police of Ukraine at the regional level based on scientific points of view and regulatory legal acts. Writing the article, the following methods were used: dialectical, logical-semantic, and logical-legal methods. The relevance of the article is in the need to study the essence of the object and subject of staffing of the National Police at the regional level. The subject of the study is the legislation of Ukraine regarding the requirements for a police officer as an object of the police staffing, including at the regional level. The features of object and subject of the police staffing at the regional level are identified in the paper, as well as the restrictions that are currently placed upon the police officer on recruitment. The guarantees, determined by the law and which the police officer can use during the performance of official duties, are analyzed. The legislative requirements for candidates for senior posts are examined. The powers of the head of the territorial police authority are administrative and regulatory in nature, as evidenced by their rights and obligations. The authors concluded that the service in the National Police at the regional level is specific, requires professionalism and compliance with the law, which underlines the urgent need to strengthen staffing in this area. In addition, the author’s opinion of the concepts of the object and subject of staffing of the National Police of Ukraine at the regional level is provided due to the results of the study.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-79
Author(s):  
Ewa Willim

AbstractThe special properties that psych(ological) verbs manifest cross-linguistically have given rise to on-going debates in syntactic and semantic theorizing. Regarding their lexical aspect classification, while verbal psych predicates with the Experiencer argument mapped onto the subject (SE psych predicates) have generally been analyzed as stative, there is little agreement on what kinds of eventualities object Experiencer (OE) psych predicates describe. On the stative reading, OE psych predicates have been classified as atelic causative states. On the (non-agentive) eventive reading, they have been widely analyzed as telic change of state predicates and classified as achievements or as accomplishments. Based on Polish, Rozwadowska (2003, 2012) argues that nonagentive eventive OE psych predicates in the perfective aspect denote an onset of a state and that they are atelic rather than telic. This paper offers further support for the view that Polish perfective psych verbs do not denote a change of state, i.e., a transition from α to ¬α. The evidence is drawn from verbal comparison and the distribution of the comparative degree quantifier jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’ in perfective psych predicates. It is argued here that in contexts including jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’, the perfective predication denotes an onset of a state whose degree of intensity exceeds the comparative standard. While a degree quantifier attached to the VP in the syntax contributes a differential measure function that returns a (vague) value representing the degree to which the intensity of the Experiencer’s state exceeds the comparative standard in the event, it does not affect the event structure of the perfective verb and it does not provide the VP denotation it modifies with a final endpoint. As the perfective picks the onset of an upper open state, perfective psych predicates typically give rise to an atelic interpretation.


Author(s):  
Bernhard Pöll

AbstractThis article reexamines the puzzling issue of where subjects, lexical and null, are located in Spanish and offers a novel explanation for the incompatibility of preverbal lexical subjects with fronted focussed constituents. Both SpecIP and the left periphery appear to be potential landing sites for subjects, according to discourse-pragmatic factors. Assuming that pro is a clitic, it is argued that the aforementioned incompatibility can be captured by a simple rule: SpecIP must be empty for focus fronting to occur. This is the case with pro, which adjoins to Infl, or with postverbal subjects since they remain in SpecVP. From this analysis it follows that: 1) the subject field in Spanish is less articulated than is generally assumed, 2) the differences between Spanish and other null subject languages with respect to the availability of preverbal subjets can be reduced to this rule and a different ordering of focus and topic phrases, and 3) it is unnecessary to posit two different topic positions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-117
Author(s):  
Federica Cognola

Abstract Through a focus on the properties of subject-finite verb inversion and XP fronting in three relaxed V2 languages, namely Cimbrian, Ladin and Mòcheno, this paper aims to widen and refine our understanding of relaxed V2 languages, i.e. languages in which the V2 property should be understood in a technical sense as obligatory V-to-C movement, not as a simple description referring to linearisation (Benincà 2006, 2013; Ledgeway 2016). It will be shown that inversion differs across relaxed V2 languages in two ways. In a first subtype, inversion is not associated with any marked pragmatic interpretation of the lexical subject and the subject appears in an A position in the IP area: this type is instantiated by Old Italian (Benincà 2006, Poletto 2014). A second option, instantiated by the languages considered in this paper, is that the lexical subject receives a pragmatically marked interpretation which is encoded in a Functional Projection (FP) in the vP periphery (Belletti 2004, Poletto 2006). This paper confirms that V3/V4 word orders involve the presence of a double articulation for foci and wh-elements, which appear in different positions in the CP layer in relaxed V2 languages (Poletto 2002, Wolfe 2015 a,b). It also contributes to our understanding of the syntax of topics in relaxed V2 languages by showing that (i) topics can be moved to CP and (ii) the movement option is not restricted to main clauses lacking an XP in the left periphery; it also occurs in interrogative clauses (unlike in the relaxed V2 varieties considered in Walkden 2014, 2015).


Author(s):  
Jon Scott Stevens

Generally speaking, ‘focus’ refers to the portion of an utterance which is especially informative or important within the context, and which is marked as such via some linguistic means. It can be difficult to provide a single precise definition, as the term is used somewhat differently for different languages and in different research traditions. Most often, it refers to the linguistic marking of (i) contrast, (ii) question-answering status, (iii) exhaustivity, or (iv) discourse unexpectability. An illustration of each of these possibilities is given below. In English, the focus-marked elements (indicated below with brackets) are realized with additional prosodic prominence in the form of a strong pitch accent (indicated by capital letters). (i) An [AMERICAN] farmer met a [CANADIAN] farmer… (ii) Q: Who called last night? A: [BILL] called last night. (iii) Only [an ELEPHANT] could have made those tracks. (iv) I can’t believe it: The Ohioans are fighting [OHIOANS] ! The underlying intuition common to all these instantiations is that a focus represents the minimal information needed to convey an important semantic distinction. Focus can be signaled prosodically (e.g., in the form of a strong pitch accent), syntactically (e.g., by moving focused phrases to a special position in the sentence), or morphologically (e.g., by appending a special affix to focused elements), with different crosslinguistic focus marking strategies often carrying slightly different restrictions on their use. Example (i) evokes a set of two contrasting alternatives, {‘American farmer,’ ‘Canadian farmer’}, and the meaning ‘farmer’ is common to both members of the set. That is, within this evoked set of alternatives, ‘farmer’ is redundant, and it is the nationality of the farmers which differentiates the two people. Example (ii) exhibits a similar property. One of the standard theories of question semantics represents questions as sets of possible appropriate answers. For (ii), this would be a set of propositions like {‘Bill called last night, ‘Sue called last night,’ etc.}. As with (i), there is an evoked set of meanings whose members share some overlapping semantic material. Within this set, the verb phrase meaning ‘called last night’ is redundant, and it is the identity of the subject that serves to differentiate the true answer. Example (iii) demonstrates a relationship between focus and certain words like only. The sentence means something like ‘of all the animals who might have made these tracks, it must be an elephant.’ As with (i) and (ii), this involves a set of alternatives: the set of possible track makers. That the sentence serves to single out a unique member of this set as being the true track maker makes the subject an elephant a natural focus of the sentence. Finally, in (iv), we see that focus on ‘Ohioans’ is being used to contrast the semantic content of the sentence with some preconception, namely that Ohioans are unlikely fighters of Ohioans. Examples (iii) and (iv) point to more specific uses of focus in different languages. In Hungarian, so-called identificational focus, which is marked syntactically, requires an exhaustive interpretation, as if a silent only were present. And in some Chadic languages, a meaning of “discourse unexpectability,” as in (iv), is required to mark focus via syntactic or morphological means.


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