Individual and Collective Survival Strategies of Slovene Littoral Internees in Italian “Special Battalions” During World War II

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 334-350
Author(s):  
Miha Kosmač

Abstract The article presents various survival strategies developed by Slovene Littoral men interned in “special battalions” of the Italian army (10 June 1940 - 8 September 1943). The main aims of the Fascist authorities were to intern and subjugate the Slovene Littoral men, whom they regarded as “unreliable”, and to stem the resistance in the Julian March. By taking into account archival records and various oral/memory-based testimonies, the article sheds light on the life of Slovene Littoral men in special battalions and their individual and above all collective survival strategies divided into the following categories: procurement of additional food supplies, attitude to the superiors, cooperation with the local population, and comradeship.

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miha Kosmač

AbstractThe article presents various survival strategies developed by Slovene Littoral men interned in “special battalions” of the Italian army (10 June 1940 - 8 September 1943). The main aims of the Fascist authorities were to intern and subjugate the Slovene Littoral men, whom they regarded as “unreliable”, and to stem the resistance in the Julian March. By taking into account archival records and various oral/memory-based testimonies, the article sheds light on the life of Slovene Littoral men in special battalions and their individual and above all collective survival strategies divided into the following categories: procurement of additional food supplies, attitude to the superiors, cooperation with the local population, and comradeship.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-161
Author(s):  
Christian Klösch

In March 1938 the National Socialists seized power in Austria. One of their first measures against the Jewish population was to confiscate their vehicles. In Vienna alone, a fifth of all cars were stolen from their legal owners, the greatest auto theft in Austrian history. Many benefited from the confiscations: the local population, the Nazi Party, the state and the army. Car confiscation was the first step to the ban on mobility for Jews in the German Reich. Some vehicles that survived World War II were given back to the families of the original owners. The research uses a new online database on Nazi vehicle seizures.


Author(s):  
Pavlo Leno

In 1944 – 1946, during the preventive Sovietization of Transcarpathian Ukraine, the local communist authorities initiated radical changes in its symbolic landscape in order to influence the collective memory of the population. The result of this policy was the appearance in the region in 1945 of monuments in honor of the Heroes of the Carpathians (soldiers of the Red Army), who died as a result of active hostilities in October 1944. Officially, the perpetuation of the memory of the fallen Red Army soldiers took place as a manifestation of the people's initiative of the local population in gratitude for the liberation from fascism, including from the “centuries-old Hungarian slavery”. However, archival materials and oral historical research prove that this process was an element of the traditional Soviet policy of memory, initiated by the command of the 4th Ukrainian Front. As a result, a number of memorial resolutions of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine were adopted in a short time. As a result, the graves of the Red Army were enlarged, fundraising was organized among the population, and the construction of monuments to the fallen liberators was started and successfully completed in all regional centers of the region. The peculiarity was that the installation of monuments in honor of the Heroes of the Carpathians took place long before the end of the Great Patriotic War / World War II, which was not observed in other territories of the Ukrainian SSR. One of the other paradoxes was that, so, the representatives of the Hungarian minority of the region demonstrated their appreciation for their "liberation from Hungarian domination".


2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis H. Siegelbaum

Labor (meaning both wage workers as well as their collective representation) in Russia was a major loser in the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Aggregate data on prices, average wage and pension levels, wage arrears, and unemployment indicate a serious decline in workers’ standard of living that is unprecedented in the post-World War II era, while strike data show an upsurge in this form of worker militancy during the mid-1990s but a decline thereafter.This article seeks to explain both why these developments occurred and what prevented workers from adequately defending their collective interests. Four explanations have been advanced by Western and Russian scholars. The first is that workers were victims of state policies pursued in line with the“Washington consensus” on how to effectuate the transition from an administrative-command to a market-based economy. The second points to workers’ attitudes and practices that were prevalent under Soviet conditions but proved inappropriate to post-Soviet life. The third, claiming that several key indices of workers’ standard of living are misleading, denies that labor has been a loser. The fourth and most compelling of the explanations is derived from ethnographically based research. It argues that despite changes in the forms of property and politics, power relations at the enterprise level remained intact, leaving workers and their unions dependent on the ability of management to bargain with suppliers of subsidies and credits. The article concludes with some observations about workers’ survival strategies and the extent to which collective dependence on economic and political strongmen has worked against structural change in favor of labor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (912) ◽  
pp. 1001-1029
Author(s):  
Alexander H. Hay ◽  
Bryan Karney ◽  
Nick Martyn

AbstractThe rehabilitation of essential services infrastructure following hostilities, whether during a conflict or post-conflict, is a complex undertaking. This is made more complicated in protracted conflicts due to the continuing cycle of damage and expedient repair amid changing demands. The rehabilitation paradigm that was developed for the successful post-World War II rehabilitation of Germany and Japan has been less successful since. There are a myriad of conflicting interests that impede its application, yet the issue consistently comes down to a lack of systems-level understanding of the current situation on the ground and a lack of alignment between what is delivered and the actual local need. This article proposes a novel conceptual framework to address this, affording a greater “system of systems” understanding of the local essential services and how they can be restored to reflect the changed needs of the local population that has itself been changed by the conflict. The recommendations draw on heuristic practice and commercially available tools to provide a practicable approach to restoring infrastructure function in order to enable essential services that are resilient to temporary returns to violence and support the overall rehabilitation of the affected community.


2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri M. Zhukov

Within a single conflict, the scale of government violence against civilians can vary greatly—from mass atrocities in one village to eerie restraint in the next. This article argues that the scale of anticivilian violence depends on a combatant's relative dependence on local and external sources of support. External resources make combatants less dependent on the local population, yet create perverse incentives for how the population is to be treated. Efforts by the opposition to interdict the government's external resources can reverse this effect, making the government more dependent on the local population. The article tests this relationship with disaggregated archival data on German-occupied Belarus during World War II. It finds that Soviet partisan attacks against German personnel provoked reprisals against civilians but that attacks against railroads had the opposite effect. Where partisans focused on disrupting German supply lines rather than killing Germans, occupying forces conducted fewer reprisals, burned fewer houses, and killed fewer people.


Author(s):  
Sören Urbansky

This chapter deals with the late 1940s and the 1950s, a period that is generally perceived as a honeymoon between the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union, albeit one marred by the seeds of future conflict. Though the social and economic fallout of World War II was certainly felt in the borderlands, many things had changed for the better compared to the years leading up to 1945. There was no longer the threat of war to tyrannize the local population and transform the borderland areas into highly militarized zones. On the Soviet bank of the Argun, the siege mentality against enemies from within, the dull hatred of anything and anyone foreign, cultivated in the Soviet Far East and in other regions of the Soviet Union since in the 1930s, gradually withered. Under Nikita Khrushchev, who succeeded Stalin in power, people in the Soviet borderland no longer feared deportation, imprisonment, and other repressions dealt out by their own government as much.


2014 ◽  
pp. 443-461
Author(s):  
Danijel Matijevic ◽  
Jan Kwiatkowski

The area around Krzesiny, located near the city of Poznań, Poland, witnessed several dark events during World War II: Germans oppressed the local population, culminating in a terrorizing action dubbed “akcja krzesińska;” also, a forced labor camp, named “Kreising,” was built near the township, housing mainly Jews. After the war, the suffering in Krzesiny was remembered, but selectively – “akcja” and other forms of Polish suffering were commemorated, while the camp was not. By exploring the “lieux de mémoire” in Krzesiny – dynamics of memory in a small township in Poland – this paper uses localized research to address the issue of gaps in collective memory and commemoration. We briefly look at the relevant history, Polish memory regarding wartime events in Krzesiny, and the postwar dynamics of collective memory. Discussing the latter, we identify a new phenomenon at work, one which we dub “collective disregard” – group neglect of the past of the “Other” that occurs without clear intent. We argue that “collective disregard” is an issue that naturally occurs in the dynamics of memory. By making a deliberate investment in balanced remembrance and commemoration, societies can counter the tendencies of “disregard” and curb the controversies of competitive victimization claims, also called “competitive martyrdom”.


Author(s):  
Michael Fritsch ◽  
Korneliusz Pylak ◽  
Michael Wyrwich

AbstractEntrepreneurship is often found to be highly persistent over time. Although the historical roots of persisting effects of entrepreneurship are partially uncovered, their mechanisms remained largely unclear. To understand the historical roots of contemporaneous regional entrepreneurship, we exploit different types of historical self-employment in regions of Poland, a country that experienced different types of disruptive developments. In contrast to previous studies on other countries, we do not find a persistent effect of the general level of historical private sector self-employment. There is, however, a pronounced positive relationship between high regional levels of knowledge-intensive entrepreneurship in the 1920s and current start-up activity in general, even in areas where large parts of the local population were displaced after World War II. We find that the magnitude of this effect is independent of the mobility and an exchange of the local population. Our main conclusion is that the historical regional knowledge stock, as reflected by knowledge-intensive entrepreneurship, can be an important and stable historical root of modern entrepreneurship despite disruptive historical shocks and population discontinuities.


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