Role Perceptions and Role Evaluation of Indian Urban Political Elites: A Punjab Case Study

Asian Survey ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (9) ◽  
pp. 1062-1080
Author(s):  
Yogendra K. Malik
Asian Survey ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (9) ◽  
pp. 1062-1080
Author(s):  
Yogendra K. Malik

Author(s):  
Ruth McGinity

This chapter reports on data and analysis to theorise the role that both corporate and political elites played in the development and enactment of localised policy-making at Kingswood Academy; a secondary school in the North of England. The analysis offered reveals how a single case-study school provides an important site to explore the ways in which the educational policy environment provides the conditions for elites to play a significant role in the development and delivery of localised policy processes in England. Bourdieu (1986; 1992) provides the thinking tools to undertake this theoretical and intellectual work, and I deploy his conceptualisation of misrecognition as a means of interrogating how the involvement of corporate and political elites in the processes of localised policy-making reproduces the hierarchised power of particular networks, which ultimately contribute to the privatisation of educational ‘goods’ as marketised commodities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-481
Author(s):  
Marianne Tøraasen

AbstractFollowing the adoption of the Senegalese Law on Parity and the subsequent influx of women to the National Assembly, we saw a strong gendered polarisation of attitudes towards women as political leaders among the Senegalese population. This study explores whether similar attitudinal changes are found among political elites in the Senegalese National Assembly. Theory suggests that an increase in the number of women elected to legislatures (‘descriptive representation’) will challenge people's perceptions of politics as a male domain and strengthen belief in women's ability to govern (‘symbolic representation’). Although the effects of gender quotas on women's representation has received considerable scholarly attention, the field of symbolic representation remains under-studied. A case study of the effects of the Senegalese parity law addresses this knowledge gap, contributing with new empirical insights. This study also develops indicators that can help measure potential developments in the symbolic representation of women. Parity appears to have contributed to slightly more acceptance towards women as political leaders within the National Assembly. The findings are discussed in the last section.


2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Marsh

This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar (‘thick’ and ‘thin’) forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the ‘thick’ pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the ‘thin’ (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades.


Author(s):  
Nirzalin ◽  
Fakhrurrazi

Berdasarkan studi kasus di Aceh Utara, tulisan ini hendak menunjukkan realitas kompleks tentang komodifikasi Syariat Islam oleh elite yang sedang memerintah di Aceh. Realitasnya, birokratisasi Syariat Islam telah menutup ruang bagi lahirnya wacana tandingan (counter discourse) dari masyarakat terhadap wacana yang dikembangkan oleh negara. Hal itu termanifestasi pada pelbagai Qanun yang telah disahkan. Qanun-qanun tersebut justeru memperlihatkan dominasi kepentingan elite yang sedang memerintah daripada aspirasi yang disuarakan oleh masyarakat. Sementara itu, birokratisasi dayah (pondok pesantren salafi/tradisional) dan penciptaan ketergantungan ekonomi dayah pada negara melalui kegiatan yang mengatasnamakan pembinaan dayah ternyata merupakan kedok bagi dominasi negara terhadap teungku dayah (elite agama Islam tradisional). Dominasi ini berhasil memposisikan teungku dayah sebagai jastifikator pelbagai kebijakan pemerintah. Akibatnya, peran teungku dayah di Aceh yang pada awalnya adalah aktor sosial yang secara vis a vis sanggup berhadapan dengan pemerintah dalam mengkritisi pelbagai kebijakan berdasarkan aspirasi yang berkembang di masyarakat menjadi pudar.Based on a case study in North Aceh district, this paper wants to demonstrate the complex reality of current commoditization of Syariah committed by political elites in Aceh. In fact, the bureaucratization of Syariah has closed democratic spaces which enable civil society including local religious elite to counter states discourses and policies. Such bureaucratization was manifested in the enactment of several Qanuns which unveil the domination of ruling elites interests over societys interests and aspiration. On the other hand, the bureaucratization of dayah (traditional or salafi pesantren) and the formation of its economic dependence on states budgets through what called as dayah guidance/direction programs became a powerful means for the state apparatus to co-opt teungku dayah as Islamic local religious elites. Such cooptation has successfully positioned teungku dayah to act as justificatory actor toward various government policies. As the result, the historical role of teungku dayah in Aceh as the main political actor, which able to criticize government policies based on people aspiration, is fading away in the aftermath of conflict in Aceh.


2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Aervitz

This paper is an attempt to develop a critical reflection on the social, political, and economic transformation that Russia experienced in the last couple of decades. I argue that the continuity of elites in Russia is one of the major features of its transition. This paper attempts to illuminate the continuity of elites as a general trend by using the case study of the privatization process in Veliky Novgord, Russia. This project looks at privatization as an avenue or means of resource allocation by elites during the transition. The data were obtained from 16 structured and unstructured interviews conducted in Veliky Novgorod in the summer 2004 among the representatives of the business and political elites. This paper deals with one group of the nomenklatura elite – top enterprise managers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter E. Mulherin ◽  
Benjamin Isakhan

This article assesses the link between the state and the media in their coverage of foreign policy decisions. It holds up to empirical scrutiny the claim that genuine press criticism can only occur within the bounds of political-elite debate. Taking the Australian government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State as its case study, it explores areas of consensus and dissensus between political discourse and the media. Conducting a qualitative analysis of three media frames used by major newspapers, it tests the “indexing hypothesis” and concludes that some press coverage went beyond the parameters of political-elite debate. This finding of independent criticism has implications beyond the present case study, as it helps us better understand the role of the media in democracies—specifically, holding governments to account when sending their nations to war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.


Author(s):  
Alexander Kupatadze

This chapter examines the internal and external causes of variations in corruption and white-collar crime through a comparative case study of Georgia and Armenia. From the domestic perspective, different outcomes in relation to ethnic conflicts, as well as differences in terms of the political elite’s stability (a radical changeover of political elites in Georgia versus a continuation of existing elite networks in Armenia), explain the varying degrees of corruption and white-collar crime rates between the two states. From the external dimension, this chapter states that the varying attitudes toward Russia and amenability to Western influence have provided different incentives for reform in Georgia and Armenia, and resulted in different outcomes with reference to corruption.


Modern China ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-335
Author(s):  
Jiangnan Zhu ◽  
Hui Li

This article uses an investigation-trigger framework to explain the process that stimulates investigations of corruption in China, which has been treated more as a black box in the past. Reviewing China’s current anticorruption system, we argue that local party leaders’ decisions directly trigger corruption investigations, and that power competition between political elites is a major catalyst of the trigger. Moreover, drawing upon rarely accessible documentation and interviews addressing the successive downfall of two public security bureau chiefs in City H, we identify two channels through which the investigation-trigger catalyst works: the diminished patronage of corrupt officials after patron turnovers, and government insiders’ unconventional provocation of political opponents. The cases analyzed in this article also show that outside intervention may rupture the local protection of corruption and facilitate investigations. This finding supports the 2012 reform of China’s corruption control system.


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