scholarly journals FORMALISASI SYARI�AT ISLAM DAN DOMINASI NEGARA TERHADAP ELITE AGAMA ISLAM TRADISIONAL DI ACEH

Author(s):  
Nirzalin ◽  
Fakhrurrazi

Berdasarkan studi kasus di Aceh Utara, tulisan ini hendak menunjukkan realitas kompleks tentang komodifikasi Syariat Islam oleh elite yang sedang memerintah di Aceh. Realitasnya, birokratisasi Syariat Islam telah menutup ruang bagi lahirnya wacana tandingan (counter discourse) dari masyarakat terhadap wacana yang dikembangkan oleh negara. Hal itu termanifestasi pada pelbagai Qanun yang telah disahkan. Qanun-qanun tersebut justeru memperlihatkan dominasi kepentingan elite yang sedang memerintah daripada aspirasi yang disuarakan oleh masyarakat. Sementara itu, birokratisasi dayah (pondok pesantren salafi/tradisional) dan penciptaan ketergantungan ekonomi dayah pada negara melalui kegiatan yang mengatasnamakan pembinaan dayah ternyata merupakan kedok bagi dominasi negara terhadap teungku dayah (elite agama Islam tradisional). Dominasi ini berhasil memposisikan teungku dayah sebagai jastifikator pelbagai kebijakan pemerintah. Akibatnya, peran teungku dayah di Aceh yang pada awalnya adalah aktor sosial yang secara vis a vis sanggup berhadapan dengan pemerintah dalam mengkritisi pelbagai kebijakan berdasarkan aspirasi yang berkembang di masyarakat menjadi pudar.Based on a case study in North Aceh district, this paper wants to demonstrate the complex reality of current commoditization of Syariah committed by political elites in Aceh. In fact, the bureaucratization of Syariah has closed democratic spaces which enable civil society including local religious elite to counter states discourses and policies. Such bureaucratization was manifested in the enactment of several Qanuns which unveil the domination of ruling elites interests over societys interests and aspiration. On the other hand, the bureaucratization of dayah (traditional or salafi pesantren) and the formation of its economic dependence on states budgets through what called as dayah guidance/direction programs became a powerful means for the state apparatus to co-opt teungku dayah as Islamic local religious elites. Such cooptation has successfully positioned teungku dayah to act as justificatory actor toward various government policies. As the result, the historical role of teungku dayah in Aceh as the main political actor, which able to criticize government policies based on people aspiration, is fading away in the aftermath of conflict in Aceh.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-238
Author(s):  
Daria V. Stanis ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurilev

This article discusses one of the key components of the mechanism of formation of the ruling elites in the United States - economic. Representatives of large business, financial circles and political clans, capable of fighting for power and possessing the necessary resource base and tools, form elite groups. The authors focus on the study of US large business as a supplier of cadres for the American political elites that determine US domestic and foreign policy. In their work, the authors set the following tasks: to analyze the mechanism of the formation of political elites in the USA; to consider the experience of Trump Organization in the context of the acquisition by her leader of the highest political status in the USA in 2016 and the prospects for his re-election to this post in 2020; to assess the role of large business in the formation of political elites in the United States. To achieve the objectives, the authors used a few methods of political science: structural, systemic, functional, comparative and historical methods. The methodology of economic science was also involved: the method of scientific abstraction, the method of normative and functional analysis. The study, in its conceptual basis, is based both on the theory of political elites and on the economic theory of competition.


Author(s):  
Kate Bedford

Bingo Capitalism uses bingo—a female-dominated and notoriously self-effacing game—to think differently about regulation and political economy. A key objective is to make bingo, as lens, more central to our debates about the regulation of economy and society. Part I sets the scene, responding to the query: why bingo? Part II explores the legal and political history of bingo. Part III analyses the regulation of people, while Part IV examines the regulation of products, places, and technologies. In so doing, the book uses bingo to better understand the role of the state in shaping the classed and gendered interrelation between diverse economies, especially in relation to non-commercial and commercial gambling. Bingo Capitalism offers the first sociolegal account of bingo as a globally significant and immensely popular pastime, centring implementation experiences alongside the broader political, economic, and social context to legislative reform. While considering the perspectives of lawmakers, who have debated what the game reflects about the nation and its economy, the book also centres the experiences of those who work in, and play, bingo, to trace how gambling law and regulation impact people in everyday life. The book identifies the central historical role of non-commercial, mutual aid play to UK gambling law and policy, and traces the ongoing relevance of this realm for current debates about the interrelation between capitalist and more-than-capitalist everyday economies. Bingo Capitalism also uses bingo as a case study of research into the gendered nature of regulation, showing how gender shapes, and is shaped by, diverse state rules on gambling.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-238
Author(s):  
Korok Ray ◽  
Tessa A. Thomas

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide an argument supporting the growth of online outsourcing, which will exponentially increase in the coming years with the spread of internet availability to the less-developed regions of the world. In addition, this paper stresses the role of human decision-making in fostering this growth, rather than promoting inhibitory policies because of nationalism or fear of change. Design/methodology/approach First, globalization and the three “waves” of outsourcing are discussed. Next, the economic principles guiding online outsourcing (disintermediation, the rise of global internet connectivity and the benefits of output-based pay over input-based pay) are discussed. After explaining how artificial intelligence will complement rather than replace human laborers, a case study and evidence are provided. Then, suggestions for government policies going forward, including skill development and education are provided. Finally, the debate that will inevitably emerge regarding online worker benefits is introduced. Findings Evidence points toward the growth of online outsourcing and the resulting increased efficiency and gains through this type of trade. The increase in freelance workers and their earnings, the investments of Google and Facebook to develop internet capabilities in less-developed regions and the reducing costs of technology (such as laptops) provide support for this argument (Elance, 2013; Forbes, 2014; Pofeldt, 2015). Finally, a case study provides evidence illustrating how individuals may gain from these advances. Originality/value This paper contributes to the literature by providing a compelling argument for the upcoming transition to increased efficiency in work through online outsourcing. Technological advances will allow the modern worker to delegate his/her mundane tasks so that he/she is free to focus on more pressing issues. This shift will multiply the domestic and foreign labor markets, creating opportunities that have not been available to this point. As this transition is not inevitable, this paper further outlines suggestions for policymakers to ensure maximized gains in the future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter E. Mulherin ◽  
Benjamin Isakhan

This article assesses the link between the state and the media in their coverage of foreign policy decisions. It holds up to empirical scrutiny the claim that genuine press criticism can only occur within the bounds of political-elite debate. Taking the Australian government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State as its case study, it explores areas of consensus and dissensus between political discourse and the media. Conducting a qualitative analysis of three media frames used by major newspapers, it tests the “indexing hypothesis” and concludes that some press coverage went beyond the parameters of political-elite debate. This finding of independent criticism has implications beyond the present case study, as it helps us better understand the role of the media in democracies—specifically, holding governments to account when sending their nations to war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-45
Author(s):  
Mikhail Krasnov

The article critically analyses the concept of “guarantor of the constitution”. Briefly describing the history of the emergence of the concept, the author argues that it was originally understood too narrowly – only as a function of ensuring the stable functioning of the state apparatus. This is also how it is understood today. Meanwhile, even if the state apparatus is formally operating legally, this does not always mean that its operation is consistent with constitutional principles and values. The constitution is not simply an act of supreme legal force. It is imbued with constitutionalism, which boils down to the idea and practice of limiting power for the sake of the value of human dignity. In its turn, constitutionalism is secured by a number of principles and values, including pluralism. However, constitutionalism can also suffer from pluralism. The article speaks of two threats on this side: first, large-scale inter-party conflicts (both direct and “disguised” as conflicts between state bodies) and, second, the possibility of a political force aligned against constitutionalism gaining state power. Consequently, guaranteeing the constitution consists not only of ensuring the normal functioning of the institutions of public power, but also of protecting and defending the constitutional principles and values, which together represent constitutionalism. However, practice shows that presidents either neglect this “second part” or use the appeal to constitutional values to strengthen their own power. In the author’s view, this is due to the fallacy of the very model of a mixed (semi-presidential) republic, within which the concept of “guarantor of the constitution” emerged. The institution of the president in this model is positioned by doctrine as politically neutral and therefore above all branches of power. However, the neutrality of the president of a mixed republic is illusory, for he is a more or less active political actor and therefore incapable of fulfilling the role of guarantor of the constitution. The false presumption of presidential neutrality not only makes the institution of the guarantor ineffective, but also contributes to the authoritarian trend of the president.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Andi Nur Fiqhi Uramai ◽  
Asriani Asriani ◽  
Zainuddin Losi

Indonesia as a multicultural country, has a diversity consisting cultural, ethnic and language. To observe, Yogyakarta is the one of Indonesian province displayed that diversity. Thus Yogyakarta often called as ‘Indonesian miniature’, while the diversity can lead to horizontal conflicts in Yogyakarta. IKPMDI-Y established as a communicative forum to reduce horizontal conflicts. Therefore, in this research, the author observe the role of IKPMDI-Y involved in Yogyakarta Government Policies for building spirit of multiculturalism.The author uses quantitative method case study which use descriptive approach and theory as a research tool. While unit analize is IKPMDI-Y organization, and the research scope in Yogyakarta city.The researcher found the IKPMDI-Y involved in Yogyakarta Government Policie which delivering the spirit of multiculturalism. Where IKPMDI-Y is forum which unify the students/ regional organization from various ethnic groups and languages in Yogyakarta. Therfore IKPMDI-Y leads the active role in realizing the spirit of multiculturalism in Yogyakarta city.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-314
Author(s):  
Elvi Anita Afandi ◽  
Mukhamad Yasid ◽  
Bayu Taufiq Possumah

PK policies in Bogor Regency, to analyze the role of BAZNAS and its potential and to analyze the synergy between local government policies and BAZNAS in the PPK Program. This qualitative research uses the analysis method "AIM" (Analysis Interactive Model), namely: collection, reduction, presentation of data, and drawing conclusions (verification) which are generally used to analyze the synergy process, while quantitative analysis is used to calculate the potential value of zakat. The results of this study are that the poverty rate is still difficult to suppress even though central and regional programs have been implemented where one of the main reasons is the problem of lack of funding, the budget required is around IDR 1.4 trillion, which was realized IDR 890 billion (2017). BAZNAS Bogor Regency has played an active role in the KDP program, but it is still far from optimal. The results of the potential analysis reached Rp. 1,169,354,000,000, new proceeds of around Rp. 6 billion; Realizing the various support capacities, potential of BAZNAS, analysis of problems and analysis of the interests of the parties, an agreement was built (in the FGD) to synergize at the level of policies, institutions and programs, which will later be outlined by the Regional Government (Bappeda) in the RAD (Rencana Aksi Daerah)document.


Author(s):  
Fred Bidandi

Social cohesion, the foundation that keeps society together, is influenced by various inter-related factors such as education social, cultural, religious, and business, among others. Current debates indicates that unless social cohesion in its various dimensions is addressed, be it through reconciliation, tackling inequality, crafting a national identity, or bridging rural-urban divides, the implementation of any Southern African Development Plan will be challenging. In this paper, social cohesion is viewed as an intervention for coexistence; as an invitation to find common ground and allowing the sharing of social spaces; and to forge a common identity whilst recognising societal diversity. This paper postulates that although social cohesion is intended to contribute towards nation-building and national unity, government policies are fundamental to the advancement thereof. The paper defines, unpacks, and identifies the challenges of social cohesion using South Africa as a case study. The paper argues that the family is instrumental in building social cohesion. Government through its policies processes has an important role to play in strengthen the family. The lessons learnt could contribute to the role of family towards social cohesion on the African continent.


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