The Muslim Brotherhood’s Conception of Citizenship Rights in Egypt

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-46
Author(s):  
Khalil Al-Anani

How do Islamist movements perceive citizenship rights, particularly in conservative societies such as the case in the Middle East? This study attempts to answer this question by examining the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Conventional wisdom demonstrates that Islamic movements adopt illiberal views towards women and minorities, particularly non-Muslims, because of their conservative and rigid interpretation of religion. This study argues that religion is not the only factor that shapes these views. By unpacking the position of the Brotherhood towards women and Christians’ rights in Egypt, it shows that the Islamists’ conception of citizenship is driven by ideological and political considerations. It contends that the Brotherhood adopts an ambivalent and ambiguous understanding of citizenship that can be construed by three key factors: ideological stance, organizational cohesion, and political calculations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
David Schwartz ◽  
Daniel Galily

This study aims to present the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. The main points in the article are: The status of religion in the country; What is the Muslim Brotherhood? According to which ideology is the movement taking place? - Movement background and ideology; Theoretical background – The theory of Pragmatism; How is pragmatism manifested in the activity of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt? In conclusions: The rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 748-767
Author(s):  
Khalil al-Anani

AbstractHow can we explain the neoliberal orientation of Islamist movements in the Middle East? This paper attempts to answer this question by exploring the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. It analyzes in depth the Brotherhood's socio-economic vision and policies when it was in power between 2012 and 2013. It argues that the Brotherhood adopted a market-oriented vision, which encouraged the private sector, liberalized the economy, and appealed to foreign investments. As a socio-political movement, the Brotherhood attempted to strike a balance between its constituency, which is rooted in the lower, middle, and upper-middle classes, and its commitment to neoliberal policies. However, this paradoxical balance burdened the movement and affected its popularity. The article also contends that the Brotherhood's neoliberal leanings can be explained by three key factors: the movement's pragmatism, its “devout” bourgeoisie, and the appeal for international acceptance and recognition.


1970 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Duguid

The need for social change has been recognized by most of the politically important forces in the Middle East today, but differences remain concerning its implementation. These differences are centered on the type of change and the rate at which it should take place. There are three basic social groups taking part in this conflict; the traditional elements of society, typified by organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood, many of the ruling families, and large sections of the peasant population; the ‘modern’ man of the liberal era such as evolutionary–liberalist politicians, doctors, landowners, bureaucrats, merchants, and the like; and the ‘modern’ men of the era of technology (material-scientific) such as army officers, agronomists, planners and industrialists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-596
Author(s):  
Yurii Vitalevich Lashkhia

Due to the comprehensiveness of Islam, the role of the “Islamic factor” in political processes in the Middle East and North Africa is great, while the nature of the manifestations of the “Islamic factor” largely depends among other things on the current state of modern religious educational institutions, including those serving as a forge of Islamic personnel today. One of the most prestigious universities in Islamic oikumene, giving religious education for Muslims from all over the world, is AlAzhar al-Sharif (the shorter Al-Azhar is more common). It was here that some famous thinkers studied, who further significantly contributed to the development of the so-called “political Islam”. This study is an attempt to clarify the role of Al-Azhar University and related Islamic scholars in the socio-political processes of the Middle East and North Africa. Conducting the research, the author largely turned to the sources of the Islamic religion (the Qur’an, Hadith), theological texts of a number of thinkers (for example, the interpretation of the Qur’an Rashid Rida), religious polemical works (the work of Sheikh Osama al-Azhari against the “Muslim Brotherhood” and other “Islamist” trends), documents compiled by the leadership of Al-Azhar; academic literature on related issues. The author came to the conclusion that the “Islamic factor” did not play a crucial role at the beginning of events, but vividly manifested itself subsequently. The actual suppression of Islam by secular dictators created a fertile ground for the acute discontent of believing citizens and activists of various movements who uphold a particular version of the Islamic political alternative. The most influential university in the Islamic world, Al-Azhar, in an official document, “Arab Spring”, indicated the possibility of a shift in despotic power, while emphasizing at the same time the inadmissibility of violent suppression of peaceful protest. Certain Azharite theologians were directly involved in the events of the “Arab Spring”, in particular, the passionate scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi, associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement and graduated from Al-Azhar, as well as Sheikh Emad Effat, who died during the suppression of an unarmed speech 15 December 2011. Such activity of various Islamic forces in the political sphere is primarily due to the very nature of the Islamic tradition, which does not separate the “sacred” and “profane”.


The targeting of the Muslim Brotherhood by Arab countries boycotting Qatar belies the movement’s parliamentary role


First Monday ◽  
2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Sean McLaughlin

The use of the Internet for political action by non-state dissident actors in the Middle East by W. Sean McLaughlin This paper examines how non-state dissident actors in the Middle East use the Internet for political action in the face of state-imposed constraints on Internet access. Non-state dissident actors have revisionist goals and the Internet offers certain advantages for accomplishing these political objectives. States seek to limit the effectiveness of these dissident objectives and can use various methods, such as limiting Internet infrastructure or imposing censorship constraints, in efforts to oppose Internet-based dissidence. In response, dedicated dissidents can find ways to overcome these state-imposed constraints and continue with their dissident activities. Based on this understanding, this paper develops a dynamic model for Internet-based dissidence and then applies it to three different case studies: The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia (MIRA). All three case study groups used the Internet in a surprisingly competent and sophisticated manner, overcoming the various state-imposed constraints on their activities. That non-state dissidents in the Middle East have successfully used the Internet for political dissidence may have important implications for the political landscape in the region.


Author(s):  
Marina Calculli ◽  
Matteo Legrenzi

This chapter examines the Middle East’s security dilemmas by reconsidering the balance of power and threats in light of the Arab Spring. Although external actors are still important, as is regime security, in this balance, an important feature of the current scene is the ‘securitization of identities’ whereby rival regimes mobilize different identities to preserve and consolidate their positions against the destabilizing effects of change. The chapter also explores the emergence of a region-based rivalry between monarchies and republics and how they were affected by the Arab uprisings; the strategic competition between Sunni and Shia Islam; and the impact of the ‘Shia crescent’ from 2003 to the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the ways that competition among rival Sunni regimes in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings has been ideologically shaped in terms of support for/opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood.


Author(s):  
Salah M. Sharief ◽  

As of the last decade of the 20th century, the Middle East and Africa have been the birthplace of extremist organizations espousing a radical ideology, which encourages violence against the dissenters and branding them apostates. Organizations like Al-Qā’ida and Dā’ish/ISIL performed numerous terrorist acts around the world, but especially in the Middle East. Other Salafi organizations like Boko Haram also gained recognition in international media disproportionate to their actual size. This discourse was behind the coinage of the term ‘Islamic Terrorism’, which casts a shadow of suspicion on any member of the Muslim community worldwide and served as an impetus for the writing of this paper as a means of shedding light on other Muslim organizations, which arguably are much larger in scope and influence. At the same time, these organizations are peaceful in nature and characterized by an incomparable level of tolerance. In my quest for sources of both narratives, I traced the history of the advent and dissemination of Islam in Africa – such a diverse geographic, cultural, ethnic and religious setting. I discovered that whereas the advent of Islam in the northern part of the region (North Africa) unfolded relatively quickly through invasion, it entered the Sudanese Belt (an area from the red sea shore of modern-day Sudan in the East to today’s Mauritania by the Atlantic Ocean in the West) more gradually via trade relations and the influence of Sufi sheikhs. They lived with the people indigenous to the area and seamlessly weaved themselves into the fabric of the societies they came to counsel. This paper argues that the areas where Sufi Islam is present have been largely shielded from extremist ideologies, and the reverse is true for North Africa, where Islam arrived in a relatively short period of invasion. The argument is presented by looking at the example of modernday Sudan, which leads me to examine the phenomenon of Sufi orders entering political life through direct involvement by establishing political parties, which propelled them into direct confrontation with representatives of a different branch of the Islamic movement in politics, namely, the Islamists. Arguably, the strongest Islamist party in the Middle East and Africa of today is the Muslim Brotherhood. I look at the diverging values of the two. Where the Muslim Brotherhood is arguably seeking absolute political power through a rigid organizational structure, the Sufi orders have been integrating into the political life of the country of residence. I argue that this example constitutes an opportunity to renegotiate the social contract between different factions of the society and lay the foundation for a different Islamic narrative. One based on pluralism, tolerance and understanding, which has the potential to gradually transform the sociopolitical environment of the entire Sudanese Belt in this direction.


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