Identity Politics in Sui Sin Far's Mrs. Spring Fragrance: Race and Gender Dynamics in “The Sing Song Woman” and “Its Wavering Image”

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However, the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.

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‘Class’ and Political Theatre: the Case of Melbourne Workers Theatre

New Theatre Quarterly ◽

10.1017/s0266464x05000114 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 21 (3) ◽

pp. 207-217 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Glenn D'Cruz

Keyword(s):

Queer Theory ◽

Identity Politics ◽

Political Theatre ◽

Waiting Room ◽

Capitalist Production ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Award Winning ◽

Theatre Company ◽

Politics Of Race ◽

And Gender

Traditionally, class has been an important category of identity in discussions of political theatre. However, in recent years the concept has fallen out of favour, partly because of changes in the forces and relations of capitalist production. The conventional Marxist use of the term, which defined an individual's class position in relation to the position they occupied in the capitalist production process, seemed anachronistic in an era of globalization. Moreover, the rise of identity politics, queer theory, feminism, and post-colonialism have proffered alternative categories of identity that have displaced class as the primary marker of self. Glenn D'Cruz reconsiders the role of class in the cultural life of Australia by examining the recent work of Melbourne Workers Theatre, a theatre company devoted to promoting class-consciousness, in relation to John Frow's more recent re-conceptualization of class. He looks specifically at two of the company's plays, the award-winning Who's Afraid of the Working Class? and The Waiting Room, with reference to Frow's work on class, arguing that these productions articulate a more complex and sophisticated understanding of class and its relation to politics of race and gender today. Glenn D'Cruz teaches drama and cultural studies at Deakin University, Australia.

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Ideology in Advertising: Some Implications for Transcreation into Arabic

Hikma ◽

10.21071/hikma.v19i1.11713 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 19 (1) ◽

pp. 43-68

Author(s):

Nibras Al-Omar

Keyword(s):

Identity Politics ◽

Arab World ◽

Status Quo ◽

Target Language ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Source Language ◽

Per Se ◽

Politics And Gender ◽

Ideological Dimension ◽

And Gender

Abstract: Ideology has a twofold sense in advertising. One is general and aims to standardize the consumers' needs and traits by globalized means to persuade them to buy the products. The other is specific whereby the advertisement campaigns can introduce, reinforce and /or challenge some ideological values as of politics, religion, race and gender. To sell globally, advertisements are translated into other languages. This requires adjusting the ideological values to the Target Language (TL) audience. When the ideological dimension of the TL is given priority, transcreation, instead of translation per se, becomes the best choice. Unlike the traditional translator who is expected to be faithful to the Source Language (SL), the transcreator should always maintain proximity to the TL ideology so as to avoid unwanted sensitivities of the TL audience and should adopt creative ideas in order to achieve resonance in the TL. The present paper aims to investigate the implications of advertising ideology for transcreation into Arabic. The global advertisement campaigners seem to be aware that Arabic and Islam represent a unified ideology represented in values of national identity, politics and gender. Most transcreation of these campaigns have achieved both proximity to the TL audience and creativity of ideas that do not clash with the ideological status quo in the Arab World. But despite the laudable reputation of transcreation nowadays in the Translation Studies literature as the best strategy of advertisement translation, it looks like it cannot escape the twofold sense of ideology in those texts. While it does embrace diversity of ideological values of SL and TL, an advertisement campaign transcreation is unable to outbalance the general and more solid ideology of standardizing the consumers' needs and motives.

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Shortcomings and Limitations of Identity Politics and Intersectionality in Sandra Cisneros’s The House on Mango Street

Acta Neophilologica ◽

10.4312/an.51.1-2.25-38 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 51 (1-2) ◽

pp. 25-38

Author(s):

Lilijana Burcar

Keyword(s):

Identity Politics ◽

Literary Theory ◽

Literary Production ◽

Anglo Saxon ◽

Race And Gender ◽

And Gender ◽

Critical Intervention ◽

Literary System

The article offers a systematic critique of identity politics and intersectionality that today dominate Western mainstream literary theory and Anglo-Saxon literary production by bringing to the fore a much overlooked critical intervention on the part of materialist (literary) system theorists and Western Marxist feminists. It then dissects the ways in which the trappings of identity politics and its upgraded version of intersectionality are manifested in Sandra Cisneros’s The House on Mango Street, with the class in the triad of class, race and gender eventually weakened and removed from view.

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“Blame the System, Not the Victim!” Organizing the Unemployed in New Zealand, 1983–1992

International Labor and Working-Class History ◽

10.1017/s0147547907000397 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 71 (1) ◽

pp. 162-184 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Cybèle Locke

Keyword(s):

New Zealand ◽

Identity Politics ◽

Political Organizations ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Poverty Status ◽

The Face ◽

Politics Of Race ◽

And Gender ◽

The Right ◽

The Unemployed

AbstractThe restructuring of capital and the transformation of the workforce in the late twentieth century has produced a newly-shaped working class; one that encompasses those in insecure work and unemployed workers. With this repositioning has come new political organizations of unemployed workers, of which Te Roopu Rawakore o Aotearoa, the national New Zealand organization for unemployed workers, is an example. This organization of unemployed was not only significant for its existence in the face of poverty, status disintegration, and a perceived sense of social worthlessness, but also for the tripartite ideology its members employed. Unemployed workers in New Zealand combined the identity politics of race and gender with a class-based critique of society to demand “the right to work and a living wage for all.”

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Women Hip-Hop Artists and Womanist Theology

Religions ◽

10.3390/rel12121063 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 12 (12) ◽

pp. 1063

Author(s):

Angela M. Mosley

Keyword(s):

Black Women ◽

Identity Politics ◽

Hip Hop ◽

Rap Music ◽

Gender Performance ◽

Hip Hop Culture ◽

Race And Gender ◽

White American ◽

European Standards ◽

And Gender

Hip-Hop is a cultural phenomenon steeped in the conservative ideologies of individualism and capitalism. It sells a lifestyle and its most recent surge of rap music and popular culture spotlights Black women more than ever before. Although Black women have always been significant piece in Hip-Hop culture, their artistry has jolted its systemic capitalism and patriarchy to engage intersectionality through a discourse of classism, sexual orientation, and racism while upending White supremacy’s either:or binary. Applying the principles of Womanism, Black female Hip-Hop artists negotiate cultural identity politics as activists to innovatively expand thought on gender performance and produce a fusion of contemporary Blackness for the 21st century. Their artivism builds a safe environment of differences within society using conscious thought, language, and performative methods to defy the White American ethos of sexism, misogyny, and materialism. By garnering a better knowledge of their existence through Indigenous African spirituality, Black women reclaim ownership of their bodies from Western European standards, including race, and gender to challenge Christianity’s meaning of martyrdom. This act of reclamation provides a reformative tool of inclusion and being fluidity through Hip-Hop music and its culture.

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Engaging with Identity Politics in Canadian Political Science

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423918000318 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 51 (4) ◽

pp. 771-794

Author(s):

Nicole S. Bernhardt ◽

Laura G. Pin

Keyword(s):

Social Sciences ◽

Political Science ◽

Critical Discourse Analysis ◽

Identity Politics ◽

English Language ◽

Critical Discourse ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Canadian Identity ◽

Rhetorical Device ◽

And Gender

AbstractThis paper critiques the deployment of the term “identity politics” in Canadian political science. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of research articles in leading English language academic journals in the Canadian social sciences, we examine whose politics are labelled identity politics and what intellectual work transpires through this label. Identity politics tends to be applied to scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, but with a lack of analytical rigour, indicating a degree of conceptual looseness. Moreover, the designation identity politics is not neutral; it is often mobilized as a rhetorical device to distance authors from scholarship that foregrounds analyses of ethnicity, race and gender, and to inscribe a materialist/culturalist divide in claims-making. We argue that the effect of this demarcation of identity from politics is to control the boundaries of political discourse, limiting who and what gains entry into the political. This serves to reassert an exclusionary conception of Canadian identity.

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Referral Patterns for Youths Identified at Risk for Suicide by Trained Gatekeepers

Crisis ◽

10.1027/0227-5910/a000114 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 33 (2) ◽

pp. 113-119 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Michael S. Rodi ◽

Lucas Godoy Garraza ◽

Christine Walrath ◽

Robert L. Stephens ◽

D. Susanne Condron ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Suicide Prevention ◽

Demographic Characteristics ◽

Service Access ◽

Referral Patterns ◽

Race And Gender ◽

Lee Smith ◽

Prevention Behavior ◽

Key Variables ◽

And Gender ◽

To Receive

Background: In order to better understand the posttraining suicide prevention behavior of gatekeeper trainees, the present article examines the referral and service receipt patterns among gatekeeper-identified youths. Methods: Data for this study were drawn from 26 Garrett Lee Smith grantees funded between October 2005 and October 2009 who submitted data about the number, characteristics, and service access of identified youths. Results: The demographic characteristics of identified youths are not related to referral type or receipt. Furthermore, referral setting does not seem to be predictive of the type of referral. Demographic as well as other (nonrisk) characteristics of the youths are not key variables in determining identification or service receipt. Limitations: These data are not necessarily representative of all youths identified by gatekeepers represented in the dataset. The prevalence of risk among all members of the communities from which these data are drawn is unknown. Furthermore, these data likely disproportionately represent gatekeepers associated with systems that effectively track gatekeepers and youths. Conclusions: Gatekeepers appear to be identifying youth across settings, and those youths are being referred for services without regard for race and gender or the settings in which they are identified. Furthermore, youths that may be at highest risk may be more likely to receive those services.

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