Bắc Di Cư: Catholic Refugees from the North of Vietnam, and Their Role in the Southern Republic, 1954––1959

2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hansen

Northern Catholic refugees who resettled in the Republic of Vietnam during 1954 and 1955 in the aftermath of the Geneva Conference formed an identifiable, largely unassimilated cohort that was eventually (but not immediately) utilized by the government of Ngôô Đinh Diệm for nation-building purposes. In both their departure from the North and their resettlement in the South, the Bẳc di cư were largely responsive to their clerical leadership. These Catholic communities often replicated the patterns of organization, modes of leadership, and suspicion of the external world that had characterized their rural village communities in the North.

Focaal ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Vasiliki P. Neofotistos

Using the Republic of North Macedonia as a case study, this article analyzes the processes through which national sports teams’ losing performance acquires a broad social and political significance. I explore claims to sporting victory as a direct product of political forces in countries located at the bottom of the global hierarchy that participate in a wider system of coercive rule, frequently referred to as empire. I also analyze how public celebrations of claimed sporting victories are intertwined with nation-building efforts, especially toward the global legitimization of a particular version of national history and heritage. The North Macedonia case provides a fruitful lens through which we can better understand unfolding sociopolitical developments, whereby imaginings of the global interlock with local interests and needs, in the Balkans and beyond.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luís Miguel Moreira

Resumen: La progresiva radicalización ideológica del régimen republicano, instaurado en Portugal en octubre de 1910, provocó una oposición conservadora y monárquica que se organizó en el exilio, sobre todo en el sur de Galicia. Entre octubre de 1911 y junio de 1912, estacionados en varios pueblos y villas gallegas en la raya con Portugal, los monárquicos hicieron dos incursiones en territorio portugués —el primero en Vinhais y el segundo en Chaves— con el fin de fomentar la rebelión contra régimen instaurado. Sin embargo, las tropas republicanas, más numerosas y mejor equipadas, vencieron todos los combates. En la época, este episodio de guerra civil mereció amplia cobertura periodística, particularmente por la prensa afecta al régimen republicano. Los mapas y las fotografías de la frontera fueron ampliamente utilizados para localizar e ilustrar los acontecimientos. En este texto, pretendemos reconstituir estos movimientos, proponiendo una lectura geográfico-histórica de la raya luso-gallega, en el contexto de este episodio.Palabras clave: República portuguesa, incursiones monárquicas, raya galaico-portuguesa, cartografía propaganda.Abstract: The ideological radicalisation of the republican regime, established in Portugal in October 1910, gave rise to the forming of a conservative and monarchical opposition in exile, in the south of the Spanish historic region of Galicia. Between October 1911 and June 1912, from several Galician villages not far from the Portuguese border, the monarchists made two incursions into the north of the country - the first to Vinhais and the second to Chaves - with the aim of fuelling popular uprisings and a military rebellion against the new regime. However, the Republican troops, more numerous and better equipped, won all the battles. At the time, this episode of civil war received extensive journalistic coverage particularly from the newspapers close to the republican regime. Maps and photographs of the border were widely used to locate and illustrate the events. From the historic-geographical perspective of the Portuguese-Galician border, this paper reconstitutes these movements in the broader historical context.Key words: Portuguese Republic, monarchical incursions, Portuguese-Galician border, propaganda maps.


PMLA ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 126 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-692
Author(s):  
Nguyễn-Võ Thu-Hương

Whoever goes down to Bà Ria and happens by the cemetery in the sand at the village of Phu'ó'c Lě, I beg you to go in that cemetery and look for the grave with a cross painted half black, half white, by the side of the Church of Martyrs–to visit that grave lest it become pitiful. Because it has been two years since anyone visited or cast as much as a glance.—Nguyễn Trong QuanSO opens nguyễn trọng quản's thẩy lazaro phiển (“lazaro phiển” 22). The narrative begins at an obscure gravesite evokes the life of a man as both victim of state violence and perpetrator of private deaths. Lazaro Phiển is a ictional work written in the romanized script and was published in Saigon in 1887 in a novelistic format almost forty years before Hoàng Ngọc Phách's Tố Tâm. Yet the latter, published in Hanoi in 1925, is oten touted in official literary history as the first modern Vietnamese novel. Although Nguyễn Trọng Qu.n's narrative revolves around the recovery of an elided story, the author could not have anticipated the elision of his work from a nationalist literary genealogy that locates the origin of modern Vietnamese literature in the North. he elision was part of a general omission of works from the South in the last decades of the nineteenth century and irst two decades of the twentieth. his genealogy was by no means limited to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the North but was also perpetuated in the Republic of Vietnam in the South ater independence and the partitioning of the country into North and South in 1954


The expedition to which this report refers was one of those organised by the Joint Permanent Eclipse Committee of the Royal Society and the Royal Astronomical Society; it was supported by a grant made by the Government Grant Committee. Guelma was chosen for the site of the observations, as being an inland station between Sfax, which was selected for an expedition from the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, and Philippeville, which it was at first expected Sir Norman Lockyer would occupy. Guelma is 58 kilometres from Bona, 65 kilometres from Philippeville, 55 kilometres from the nearest coast of the Mediterranean Sea; it lies at a height of about 1200 feet above sea-level on the south side of the Valley of the Seybouze, amongst hills which range in height from about 3100 feet at 13 kilometres to the north, to about 4700 feet at 11 kilometres on the south, where lies the celebrated mountain, Mahouna, “the sleeping lady,” so called from the resemblance of its silhouette to the form of a woman. (For the position of the observing hut, see p. 59.)


1995 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyên Thê Anh

The communist take-over of South Vietnam in 1975 presents a certain resemblance to what happened two hundred years before, when the Trinh lords in the North overran the Nguyen's polity in the South by 1775, seizing the territories that had been separate from their control for over two centuries. The similitude of the two situations did seem highly symbolic to the Institute of Historical Studies in Hanoi, which on the pretext of publishing a complete collection of the eighteenth-century scholar Le Quy Don's works, reprinted a former translation of his “Miscellaneous chronicles of the government of the frontiers” as the first volume of this collection. This work was originally composed in 1776, after its author had been ordered south, as a member of the Trinh lords’ bureaucracy, to help restore civil government in the “recovered” areas, and facilitate their reincorporation into the north-centred political system. In its detailed description of the different aspects of southern administration, economy and society, it is tantamount to a survey of the affairs of what the author considered as an irrevocably defeated Vietnamese enemy government. This account of the southern regions at that very moment of national reunification seems also, to some extent, appropriate for the justification of the Tightness of the ideology of a North Vietnam that has just then triumphed over its adversaries.


1836 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 165-188

This province, the government of which is now administered by the British, formed in ancient times the greater part of the principality, or fiefship, of the Sétu-pattis, the chiefs or guardians of the passage leading from the continent of India to the island of Ráméswara, and thence to the opposite coast of Ceylon, called Ráma's Bridge, or Adam's Bridge. These chieftains, dating their authority from the period of the establishment of a place of pilgrimage on the island of Ráméswara, by the Great Ráma, claim an antiquity even higher than that of the Pándyans, or kings of Madura, but to whom, it would appear, that they were, in general, tributary, though now and then asserting and maintaining their independence. Of their history, however, we are not now to speak, but of the province as it was in the year 1814, when the data were taken from which chiefly the following account is compiled. It lies between the ninth and tenth degrees of north latitude, and the seventy-eighth and seventy-ninth of east longitude; is bounded on the north by the provinces of Tanjore and Pudukotta, on the south and east by the sea, and on the west by the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, and Sivaganga; and comprehends an area of nearly two thousand five hundred square miles. Its general aspect is that of high and low lands, the latter having numerous artificial lakes, constructed for the purpose of promoting cultivation; the former exhibiting a variety of dry grain-fields, while the northern districts abound with extensive groves of Palmyra trees, with scarcely a vestige of jungle. The whole is divided into seventeen districts, comprising one thousand six hundred and sixtyeight towns and principal and subordinate villages, with a population, at the period to which we allude, of about one hundred and fifty-seven thousand.


This interesting species of trypanosome appears to be widely distributed in Uganda. It was first discovered by the Commission in two cattle which came from Kavirondo, the district lying to the north-east of Victoria Nyanza. These oxen were driven to Kampala round the north end of the Lake, and probably became infected on the way. Then the Government Transport Department lost many of their oxen from this trypanosome. They were worked between Kampala, the native capital, and Luzira, the port on the Lake-shore, which lies about seven miles to the south-east. When the epidemic. broke out these cattle were kraaled near the Lake-shore, along which they were allowed to graze, and where tsetse-flies are numerous. Afterwards, at the suggestion of the Commission, they were kraaled at Kampala, when the epidemic stopped, and no more deaths from Trypanosoma vivax occurred among them.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernhard Köppen

In December 1997, the Republic of Kazakhstan officially proclaimed that the city of Astana would be its new capital. The decision to transfer the seat of government from the city of Almaty in the south to the more centrally located Astana was connected to the process of nation building in a multi-ethnic society where the titular nation represents little more than half of the population. Efforts to transform the rather remote regional center, Akmola (later renamed Astana) into a modern capital city have been underway since the late 1990s. One important component of this transformation is the idea of building a “metabolic” and sustainable “Eurasian” city. As the symbolic center of the whole country, this new capital would function as a showpiece of Kazakh culture and identity. The city would also become a symbol of economic prosperity and the regime's geopolitical vision. While the government's intensions are expressed rather openly, it remains unclear to what extent these politically verbalized leitmotivs are actually being realized through contemporary architecture and structure. This article offers a critical assessment of what has been achieved to date and argues that the production of the new Kazakhstani capital has often failed to translate rhetoric into reality.


Author(s):  
Ratna Biraeng Kumalasari

In this study using normative legal research. Policies related to land are required to guarantee legal certainty and certainty of land ownership rights by every person (individual) or by legal entities. So the community needs to register land in order to obtain a certificate of land rights which serves as a strong means of proof of ownership of land rights by someone. Meanwhile, Article 19 paragraph (1) of the Basic Agrarian Law states that to ensure legal certainty by the Government, land registration is held throughout the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. This is done so that land owners can obtain legal certainty for the land they have owned, and it’s intended that rights holders obtain valid evidence in the form of certificates as a strong means of proof as holders of rights to the land they own. Starting from the description above, the researcher can provide several aspects of the study, including: First, the Complete Systematic Land Registration (PTSL) target is so large that it’s not an easy job for the Pasuruan Regency land office, which has 29 State Civil Servants, assisted by 63 non-government employees, due to the limited number of existing staff, the implementation of the Complete Systematic Land Registration (PTSL) land office in Pasuruan Regency involves; 1. The private sector as a third party helping 20,200 fields for measurement and mapping activities, 2. Community participation in assissting Complete Systematic Land Registration (PTSL) in village locations for 10,100 respectively, and 29,700 fields carried out and carried out by the Pasuruan Regency Land Office ASN.


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