scholarly journals Mandelstam – Planck Polemics and its Representation in the Soviet Scientific Literature: Ideological Metamorphoses

Problemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Pechenkin

The L. I. Mandelstam - M. Planck polemics concerning the theory of dispersion (1907-1908) are taken under consideration. Mandelstam attacked Planck’s theory published in 1904. Planck reacted by publishing a short reply in 1907. Mandelstam was not satisfied and published a paper where he provided a more detailed calculation (1908). Planck criticized his approach again (1908). Mandelstam published two more papers, but Planck did not react to these publications.From a historical point of view it is interesting that in the Soviet scientific literature, Mandelstam’s position was almost unanimously considered to be correct and powerful. The situation changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russian physicists came to treat Planck’s position as the correct one. In this connection, the problem of scientific objectivity arises. The author emphasizes the ideological context of the scientific interpretation of facts. The phenomena of progressivism and introjection are taken under consideration.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 260-275
Author(s):  
Victor V.  Aksyuchits

In the article the author studies the formation process of Russian intelligentsia analyzing its «birth marks», such as nihilism, estrangement from native soil, West orientation, infatuation with radical political ideas, Russophobia. The author examines the causes of political radicalization of Russian intelligentsia that grew swiftly at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries and played an important role in the Russian revolution of 1917.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Victoria I. Zhuravleva ◽  

The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-102
Author(s):  
Csilla Fedinec ◽  
István Csernicskó

Abstract Based on the data of sociological research, the analysis of the linguistic landscapes of Transcarpathian cities, and quotations from travel guides, this paper illustrates that in Transcarpathia, a significant part of the population—regardless of ethnicity—live their lives not according to the official Kyiv time (eet), but according to the local time (cet). The difference between official centralized time and “local time” appeared in Transcarpathia when the region became annexed to the Soviet Union. Yet before the Second World War, each state in the region used Central European time. The Soviet regime introduced msk, which was two hours ahead. The distinction between “local time” and central time has been maintained since Transcarpathia became part of the newly independent Ukraine. The population of the region has been urged to use a different time zone for a relatively short time from a historical point of view. The persistence of “local time” is also strengthened by the fact that it contributes to the image of Transcarpathia as a particular, specific region of Ukraine. “Local time” in Transcarpathia has become part of the region’s tourism brand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

In 2009, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and President of Georgia E.A. Shevardnadze published his memoirs in Russian, which contain an “explosive” plot: while visiting China in February 1989, during his meeting with Deng Xiaoping, a lengthy dispute over border and territorial issues occurred. At that time, Deng allegedly expressed his point of view that vast lands of the Soviet Union, from three to four million square kilometers, belonged to China. Chinese can wait patiently until someday the lands return to China. This content is cited in scientific works by many historians from different countries as an argument. However, there is no other evidence which can prove this recollection. Many details in it contradict the well known historical facts or are completely illogical. There is a good reason to believe that the plot in the memoirs of Shevardnadze is an incorrect recollection. It could even be considered as a made-up story. Moreover, it is possible that it was fabricated for some reasons. Hence, the plot is not worthy of being quoted as a reliable source. At the Sino-Soviet summit Deng Xiaoping did have expressed the point of view that in the past Russia and then the Soviet Union cut off millions of square kilometers of land from China, but at the same time he promised the leader of the Soviet Union that China would not make territorial claims. Since the mid-1980s Deng Xiaoping actively promoted the settlement of the Sino-Soviet border issues through negotiations, which led to the result that 99% of the border between Russia and China was delimited on a legal basis in the last years of his life. At present, the problems of the Sino-Russian border have been finally resolved long ago. There is no doubt that the scientific research and discussions on issues related to territory and borders in the history of Sino-Soviet relations can be made. However, such research and discussions should be based on reliable sources.


2020 ◽  
pp. 71-74
Author(s):  
Yulia Ryzhkova

Problem setting. Many decades have passed since the Pact was signed, and the essential nature of the it continues to spark debate among historians and scholars. The main criterion that continues debates is the fact that the signing of the act resulted in a change of the entire European continent and a change in the geopolitical balance. Therefore, the relevance of the topic is that today there is no clear political and moral assessment of the pact on the basis of which a rational international significance of the document could be established. Target of research. The purposes of this study are to establish the legal characteristics and nature of the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact; to analyze the consequences of which the document has been signed; to distinguish the positive and negative sides of the act in combination with the proposal of its international significance. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The following scientists were engaged in research of the specified question: M. Shvagulak, S. Pron, I. Khalupa, Nicolas Burns and Andreas Ortega. Article’s main body. This publication discusses the document – the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which has had a significant impact on both political and social development and the future potential of dozens of countries across the European continent. The Pact still defines many geopolitical realities in modern Europe. Discussions about the historic role of the non-aggression treaty and secret protocols are still relevant. The article deals with the legal characterization and essence of an international act of political and legal nature. The consequences of the signature of the “fateful sentence” are analyzed, as well as the positive and negative sides of this document, in combination with the establishment of its international significance, are highlighted and presented in detail. Conclusions and prospects for the development. Thus, as can be seen from all the work, the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact has a rather contradictory character, both in relation to the countries it has in some way concerned and to history in general. So, on the one hand, this treaty was really beneficial and needed by the countries that signed it, namely Germany and the Soviet Union. However, the benefits in each of these countries were different. Discussions are still ongoing about the legal force of the treaty, as well as its international legal assessment. But from the point of view of international law, the Pact should be regarded as a huge violation that has influenced the development of new rules and principles in modern society. That is why the author believes that it is the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact that became the signature of both states in the face of the forthcoming explosion of the largest Second world war.


1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 399-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya

India's strategic environment has undergone significant changes in recent years, especially in the seventies. From the point of view of Indian foreign policy, the strategic environment and its dynamics can be studied in three different spheres: (1) the global strategic environment, particularly consisting of the strategic confrontation between the United States and its allies on the one hand and the Soviet Union and its allies on the other; (2) the immediate strategic environment, consisting mainly of Pakistan and China; and (3) the intermediate strategic environment, consisting of the non-aligned movement and the Third World. Needless to say, there is considerable and inevitable overlap and feedback among these three spheres of the strategic environment. They are, nevertheless, conceptually and operationally different spheres. The purpose of this article is to analyse the recent changes in these three different spheres of our strategic environment and the implications of these changes for our foreign policy in the foreseeable future.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 588-593
Author(s):  
Meir Rosenne

The problem of the Jews in the Soviet Union is one of the most important issues that dominates our life today. It is not my intention to deal with the numerous aspects of this problem nor to describe the history of the struggle of Soviet Jewry. I shall deal only with some of the legal considerations concerning this issue and more specifically with four of them:1. Is Israel entitled, from the point of view of International Law, to raise the issue of Soviet Jews in International Organizations in general? Is it not a violation of the Charter of the U.N. and an intervention in the domestic affairs of a Sovereign State?2. Does public protest help in the defence of the rights of the Jews in the Soviet Union?3. Does the Soviet Union violate Soviet law or any international obligation in discriminating against Soviet Jews?4. According to International Law, is Israel entitled to grant Israeli nationality to Jews living in the Soviet Union?


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Peng Li

Marxism is the science of universal standard. The truth, practicality, scientific of Marxism has been proved by history. But with the development of practice, the development of Marxist theory itself is facing a new opportunity, also faced with unprecedented challenges. How to effectively cope with the challenges?Such as: Is communism a utopia? The labor theory of value is effective? Socialist country is democracy? And so on. All these problems are the socialist system and Marxist must think and answer. As a Marxist, how to truly stand in the position of Marxism, using the Marxist method and point of view to observe the social and economic development and the progress of human civilization and world history, is the problem of contemporary Marxists has to think about. Or it will lose vitality, and will be out of date, and possible failure. The most familiar example is the socialist power caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union and its consequences. As important heritage and development of Marxist theory, the Communist Party of China has always been guided by the Marxism theory, whether in revolution, construction and reform, or the governing principle politics today. Can say, not only accumulated a very valuable historical experience, but also enriched and developed Marxism, the Communist Party of China have a say in the history of Marxist development. So, we need to discuss three questions, the effectiveness of the Marxist theory, and understanding of Marxist trajectory of the Communist Party of China, the challenge for the Marxism theory and how to deal with.


Author(s):  
Aleksey Popov ◽  
Oleg Romanko

Introduction. The publication is a review of the monograph of British researcher V. Davis, dedicated to the Soviet and Post-Soviet memory of the Great Patriotic War in the hero city of Novorossiysk. Methods and materials. Based on a significant set of published materials and oral interviews, the author characterizes discourse, memorials, and practices related to the genesis and subsequent development of the “myth about Malaya Zemlya”. From the methodological point of view, the peer-reviewed monograph is written from the position of the popular direction of memory studies in the West and is characterized by interdisciplinarity, increased attention to the analysis of memorial discourse, visual representations and social practices, while completely ignoring the complex of archival sources on the research topic. Analysis and Results. The main conclusion of the author is that through its association with L.I. Brezhnev’s biography during his reign, the “malozemelniy myth” became an important part of not only local but also national historical memory. Generally, the reviewed book is a valuable contribution to the study of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet and Post-Soviet period, and the debatable nature of its individual provisions can serve as an incentive for the emergence of new studies. The main disadvantage of the book in terms of its scientific significance is the author’s desire to impose on the reader non-obvious political conclusions about the total mythology of the Soviet/Post-Soviet memory of the Great Patriotic War, as well as the permanent militarism of public consciousness in the USSR/Russia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Permatasari

AbstractGlobalisation has brought many changes in the world, and has huge implication towards the economy, politics, and socio-culture.  The break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is one of the historical event cause by the globalisation and transformed to what it is Russia today.  Russia tried to adapt towards globalisation by following it national historical pattern, and not following the pattern that has been used by the Western countries.  For the West, transition democracy process in Russia is incomplete, but as for the Russian point of view, it is a democracy with distinction pattern or “the Russian way” that is different to what is practiced by the West.  For that reason, this essay tried to look at the Russian political and economic policy to handle the strong current of globalisation and democracy.Keywords: Rusia, Globalisation, Democracy and Cold War AbstrakGlobalisasi telah membawa perubahan bagi dunia, yang berimplikasi pada tatanan ekonomi, politik, social dan budaya. Salah satu dampak dari globalisasi adalah pecahnya Uni Soviet pada tahun 1991 yang kemudian bertransformasi menjadi Rusia. Rusia melakukan adaptasi terhadap globalisasi, yaitu dengan mengikuti pola historis nasionalnya, dan tidak mengikuti pola yang telah dilakukan oleh dunia Barat. Bagi Barat, proses transisi demokrasi Rusia merupakan incomplete transformation, sementara dari sudut pandang Rusia, proses tersebut bukan merupakan bentuk demokrasi yang belum lengkap, melainkan demokrasi dengan corak tersendiri yang tidak bias disamakan dengan western democracy. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini berupaya melihat kebijakan ekonomi politik Rusia dalam menghadapi arus demokrasi dan globalisasi.Kata kunci: Rusia, globalisasi, demokrasi dan perang dingin


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