scholarly journals Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)

Author(s):  
Oksana Ivanenko ◽  

The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance

2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (08) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Ikhtiyor Bokhodirov ◽  

Fergana region had a very high position in the colonial system of the Russian empire in Turkestan. The most population in Turkestan lived in Fergana and the empire got a lot of profit from this region. But the national liberation movement in Fergana region had always been a big problem for the Turkestan colonial administration. The imperial government used the troops of the Turkestan Military District to keep public order and supression the uprisings in the region.


2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.


2020 ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Victoria Vengerska ◽  
Oleksandr Zhukovskyi ◽  
Oleksandr Maksymov

Right-bank Ukraine became part of the Russian Empire after the second partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1792. The integration of these territories into the new administrative, economic and cultural space caused certain difficulties. In the first half of the 19th century, the region had the highest percentage of peasant serfs and the elements and institutions of the non-existent state (including the courts) still existed and kept functioning. The defeat in the Crimean War of 1853–1856 imposed on the Russian Empire the need for radical reforms in all spheres of life. The wave-like periods of cooperation-confrontation between the Russian authorities and the local nobility brought about regional provisions in virtually all the reforms, launched by the peasant reform of 1861. The judicial reform and the emergence of new institutions and practices had to resolve existing problems, disputes, and punish criminals legally. The social estate (stanovy) character of the society was reflected in the establishment and activities of the volost courts, as the lower courts. The district courts were a completely novel phenomenon in the legal culture; their functioning was ensured by professional lawyers on the basis of new judicial statutes. The purpose of this article is to consider the court practices and functioning of penitentiary establishments in Right-Bank Ukraine (on the example of Volyn province) under implementation of the judicial reform through the prism of social and estate factors, based on the cases of the Zhytomyr District Court and the reports of the heads of local prisons. The methodology of the research includes the tools of social history and the so-called "new imperial history" that have helped to trace the adaptation of new legal practices to the socio-ethnic peculiarities of Right Bank Ukraine. The methods of history of everyday life and history of reading have been employed to consider the under-researched component of the penitentiary system of the Russian Empire, namely the libraries and their funds. This component should be attributed to the novelty of the suggested research findings. Conclusions. Estate privileges were maintained in the Russian Empire throughout the "long 19th century". Belonging to a higher social status practically made the Polish nobles equal in the rights with the imperial officials, endowed with power. During court decisions and sentencing, an ethnic criterion was not taken into consideration or had secondary significance. Many years of placing the peasants outside the legal field developed a steady arrogant attitude of the power-holders towards the representatives of this social estate. Though the peasants dominated in the social structure of the Empire population, they remained the most prevalent class. Since the early 20th century, some shifts in perception and attitudes towards peasantry were observed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-93
Author(s):  
Amiran Urushadze

The article analyzes governmental debates on the functions, rights and privileges of the Armenian Catholicoi in the context of inter-institutional controversies. The author attempts to identify and analyze the most influential programmes for solving the “Echmiadzin issue” and their origins presenting at the same time certain aspects of political interaction between the Russian Empire and the Armenian Church as overlapping processes and related events. The history of relationships between Russian state and Armenian Church in XIX–XX centuries shows that different actors of the imperial politics had different ideas about the optimal model of cooperation with Echmiadzin. The divisions took place not only between the various departments (the Ministry of Internal Affairs versus the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), but also within them, where individual officials could hold “anti-departmental” views in each particular case. All this hindered administrative consolidation, slowed down the empire's response to important political challenges and dragged the imperial structures into protracted service-hierarchical confrontations. The “Etchmiadzin Question” and the governmental discussions around it show in part the administrative paralysis of the autocracy and the decompensation of the system of power in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century. The article employs a rich documentary base of archival materials from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. These materials are introduced into the scholarly discourse for the first time ever.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-31
Author(s):  
Kiani Bismillah

This book review examines The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge by Ilan Pappe. As a “new historian” Pappe challenges traditional versions of Israeli history. He illustrates Israel’s creation as a colonial conquest rather than the prevailing national liberation movement. In particular, he examines the role that Zionism has played in shaping dominant political ideology in Israel. Pappe critically evaluates the evolution of Zionism narratives from classical, post-Zionism to neo-Zionism. He successfully illustrates the importance Zionism has played throughout the genesis of Israel by highlighting examples such as the 1947 UN partition resolution, the Holocaust, it’s role in furthering cultural tensions between Israelis and Arabs inhabitants, and presence in the media.


Author(s):  
Maryna Rossikhina

The purpose of the article is to study the influences of the Italian vocal school, the traditions of Italian opera performance on the professional development of Ukrainian singers in this period. Methodology. Analysis was carried out on the basis of such methods as historical and chronological to study trends and patterns of Ukrainian music at the end of the 17th – the beginning of the 19th century, analytical – for a comprehensive consideration of the influence of Italian culture on the emergence of opera in East Slavic areas, source – for elaboration and analysis of sources, bio-bibliographic – for studying creative biographies of artists, the method of systematization – for the reduction of all found facts to a logical unity. Scientific novelty. By studying the creative biographies of prominent Ukrainian musicians (M.Berezovsky, D.Bortnyansky, M.Ivanov, S.Gulak-Artemovsky) for the first time the Italian pages of their creative biography were systematized, new facts were introduced into scientific circulation, which allow to clarify the contribution of Italian vocal culture in the development of the Ukrainian opera school at the initial stage of its formation. Conclusions. The interest of the Russian Empire in Western European, especially Italian, opera led to the rapid development of a new era in the history of musical theater in the East Slavic territories. Internships of Ukrainian musicians in Italy, invitations of Italian artists, composers, vocal teachers to the Russian Empire, joint performances on stage with foreign singers give grounds to assert the influence of the Italian vocal school on the skills of Ukrainian opera singers of the end of the 18th – the beginning of the 19th century and laying of the fundamental foundations for the development of the Ukrainian vocal school.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 88-99
Author(s):  
Liudmyla BALETSKA

The article analyzes sources of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army's struggle against the Soviet partisans and Polish units on the territory of Kamin-Kashyrskyi district of the Volyn region during the Nazi occupation. The archival sources traced the formation of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish nationalist underground, as well as the causes and course of the confrontation. A special place in the article is given to the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation. The author analyzes the national composition of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish population's participation in it. The main directions of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict are distinguished: the Poles' fight against the UPA as part of the German police and the Soviet partisan movement. The study identified relations between Ukrainians and Poles when the district's inhabitants were a part of the Polish state and at the beginning of World War II. The most large-scale military operations of the UPA soldiers with the Soviet partisans and the Polish units, the strategy, and tactics of their implementation have been outlined and systematized. An attempt has been made to classify military operations by chronological and problematic approach. The conclusions about the scale of military operations and their importance are made. The article focuses on the ideological confrontation between the UPA, the Soviet partisans, and the Polish underground formations, implementation of the ideological struggle methods. The article will be useful for a wide scientific community interested in the local history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement. Keywords: Ukrainian National Liberation Movement, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Polish units, the Soviet partisans, the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation, Kamin-Kashyrskyi area, German-Nazi occupation, military operation


2021 ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Lia G. Korotkova

This article examines a rather extensive period in the history of Indonesia — from the beginning of the rise of the national liberation movement until the coup of September 30, 1965. The primary attention is paid to the formation, development, and crises of the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI)— one of the leading forces of the national liberation movement in Dutch India. The work highlights the crisis of Dutch colonial rule during the First World War and the gradual radicalization of the protest movement, the formation in 1920 of the Indian Communist Association (CPI since 1924), its opposition to the colonial authorities, as well as interaction and contradictions with other national forces. The reasons for the rapid growth in the popularity of the party in 1925–1927 and the equally rapid decline in the 1930s are explained. The second part of the article is devoted to the activities of the CPI during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia and its place in the political system of independent Indonesia, as well as the position of the party in 1965–1966, the moment of the beginning of repressions against its members and the official ban of the communist organization on March 12, 1966.


2020 ◽  
pp. 627-639
Author(s):  
Albina Ya. Ilyasova ◽  

The article presents the results of the source studies analyses of the alphabetical lists of confirmed and ascribed nobles of the Ufa and Orenburg gubernias from the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA). Imperially approved opinion of the State Council of the Russian Empire (January 2, 1861) ordered national noble assemblies to send annually to the Department of Heraldry of the Governing Senate “alphabetical lists of noble families during the year confirmed in their nobility by the Governing Senate” and “similar lists of those families, to which, in the course of the year, were attached some individuals.” Most of these lists are preserved in the materials of the “Third Department of the Senate” fond of the Russian State Historical Archive. The archives holds original copies of 39 reports and 65 lists, including 28 lists of confirmed nobles, and 37 — of ascribed, which were sent to the to the Department of Heraldry of the Governing Senate by the Orenburg Noble Assembly in 1862-1917; and 48 reports and 89 lists, including 41 of confirmed nobles and 48 — of ascribed, which were sent to the Department of Heraldry by the Ufa Noble Assembly in 1866-1917. These documents are written on plain paper on both sides of the sheet sized 22.2 (width) * 35.4 (height) cm. Most are handwritten. Reports of the Ufa Noble Assembly became typewritten from 1899 on, those of the Noble Orenburg Assembly — since 1911; lists of Ufa Noble Assembly became typewritten from 1897 on, of the Orenburg Noble Assembly — from 1908 on. The lists have a title page. Information about the nobles is given in tabular form. A list of confirmed nobles contains the following information: surname, name, patronymic of the person confirmed in hereditary nobility; date of the resolution of the Noble Assembly on declaring them a noble; part of the genealogical book, in which that person was entered; the date of receipt of documents for consideration in the Department of Heraldry; date and number of the confirming decree of Department of the Heraldry. The list of ascribed nobles includes such data as: surname, name, patronymic of the person added to the nobility; the date of the resolution of the Noble Assembly to ascribe the person to a noble family, confirmed by the Department of Heraldry; name, date, and document number(s) on the basis of which they were ascribed; part of the genealogical book, in which the family was entered; date and number of the decree of the Department of Heraldry of the Governing Senate confirming the family to rank among the nobility. The list was to be certified by signatures of the gubernia marshal of nobility, or those acting in that position, and by the secretary of the Noble Assembly. The list was not sealed. These documents are unique and quite valuable written sources on the history of the Russian nobility.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (48) ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Yakov Lazarev ◽  
Marina Nakishova

The reviewed book of the famous Russian historian B. N. Mironov focuses on the problems of ethno-confessional policy in Russia of the 18th to early 20th centuries. The primary aim of the monograph is to analyze the influence and role of geographical factors on the history of Russia as a whole, as well as to reconstruct and evaluate the principles and methods of ethno-confessional policy aimed at the inclusion and integration of ethnic diversity in the general imperial space. The review highlights the issue of the impossibility of reconstructing the Russian policy on ethnic diversity through the prism of statistics of the late 19th century, and the relationship between the abstract “state” and abstract “local elites”. The example of the policy towards Ukrainian territories shows the controversial conceptual constructions of Mironov, which reproduced the discussion provisions of the Ukrainian national narrative.


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