scholarly journals The role of renewable energies in the new EU member states

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-25
Author(s):  
Natanya Meyer ◽  
Robert Magda ◽  
Norbert Bozsik

This article provides an overview of the structure and utilization of the new EU member states (EU-13) energy consumption. During the analysis, it was determined which non-renewable energy carriers were replaced by renewables ones. The replacement of energy sources with each other was analyzed by means of a correlation matrix. Results indicated that coal was replaced by renewable energies in Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Cyprus. Furthermore, the renewables basically replaced oil in Malta and gas was replaced by renewables in Lithuania. In other countries the relation between renewables and non-renewables could not be detected. The structure of energy production in the EU countries were different due to the differences of natural endowments. The main goal of the European Union energy policy is to reduce the CO2 emission by decreasing the fossil fuel consumption and this finding new ways to replace traditional energy sources is of utmost importance.

Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (23) ◽  
pp. 7963
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Wałachowska ◽  
Aranka Ignasiak-Szulc

The European Union strives to create sustainable, low-carbon economies; therefore, energy policies of all member states should move towards renewable energy sources (RES). That concerns also the so-called new EU member states. These countries, on the one hand, are characterized by significant historical similarities in terms of post-communist legacy and adopted development strategies linked with the EU membership, and on the other hand, by significant social, economic and environmental differences resulting from different transformation and development paths and conditions. The question remains how the selected countries should cope with actions in the field of national energy transformations to confront the multiple challenges linked to assuring a significant level of sustainable development. In order to be successful, it is necessary to conduct an effective and rapid changes in the energy industry, which should be preceded by an analysis of the differentiation of countries in terms of their potentials. The results of such analyses should be helpful in selecting the most appropriate strategies for transformation of the described industry. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to assess the new EU member states for RES diversification and identify similar subgroups of countries using cluster analysis, taking into account the percentage share of individual renewable energy sources in total renewable energy production. This was done for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019 which should allow us to demonstrate the differences between them as a group and also reveal changes recorded over time for a single country. Ward’s method was used for the analysis. The presented approach to the analysis of energy production enabled the acquisition of new knowledge in this field and supported the assessment of the current state of RES. The results obtained can be used in countries of comparable specificity to undertake activities of similar nature in relation to internal energy production, technological development or common energy policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6278
Author(s):  
Lars Carlsen ◽  
Rainer Bruggemann

The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.


2019 ◽  
pp. 16-51
Author(s):  
Anniek de Ruijter

This book looks at the impact of the expanding power of the EU in terms of fundamental rights and values. The current chapter lays down the framework for this analysis. Law did not always have a central role to play in the context of medicine and health. The role of law grew after the Second Word War and the Nuremberg Doctors Trials (1947), in which preventing the repetition of atrocities that were committed in the name of medicine became a guidepost for future law regarding patients’ rights and bioethics. In the period after the War, across the EU Member States, health law developed as a legal discipline in which a balance was struck in medicine and public health between law, bioethics, and fundamental rights. The role of EU fundamental rights protections in the context of public health and health care developed in relation with the growth of multilevel governance and litigation (national, international, Council of Europe, and European Union). For the analysis here, this chapter develops an EU rights and values framework that goes beyond the strictly legal and allows for a ‘normative language’ that takes into consideration fundamental rights as an expression of important shared values in the context of the European Union. The perspective of EU fundamental rights and values can demonstrate possible tensions caused by EU health policy: implications in terms of fundamental rights can show how highly sensitive national policy issues may be affected by the Member States’ participation in EU policymaking activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-223
Author(s):  
Jean-Baptiste Farcy

Abstract This article critically assesses EU harmonisation in the field of labour immigration. It argues that EU directives are limited both in scope and intensity which explains their relatively low effectiveness and added value. Given the current political and institutional context, the article claims that a truly common labour immigration policy is unrealistic. Labour immigration remains a predominantly national prerogative and EU rules have done little to overcome normative competition between EU Member States. Looking forward, the EU should adopt complementary measures to Member States’ policies. The role of the EU in this sensitive policy area should be better defined and justified, in particular in relation to the principle of subsidiarity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hrant Kostanyan

By applying the rational choice principal–agent model, this article examines the European Union member states’ principal control of the European External Action Service (eeas) agent. More specifically, the article applies mechanisms of agency monitoring, control and sanctions that are inherent in the principal–agent model to analyse the establishment and functioning of the eeas. These mechanisms aim to ensure the eeas’s compliance with its mandate, thereby curtailing its ability to pursue own objectives that are independent from the principal. The findings reveal that the eeas is tightly controlled by the eu member states. Moreover the European Commission has tools to exercise horizontal checks vis-à-vis the eeas. The application of the principal–agent model to control the eeas is not without its limits. The model falls short of conceptualizing the role of the European Parliament, which remains an outlier to this model.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus D.W. Stoffels

In this study, the author addresses the intriguing, topical but little-studied question of whether the (old and new) EU Member States should, upon accession to the EU, be obliged to introduce the euro. To begin with, he examines—while deliberately ignoring the problematic exchange rate convergence criterion—whether introducing the euro should in principle be obligatory. After having answered this question in the affirmative, he takes a closer look at the exchange rate convergence criterion. He concludes that a country’s formal participation in the ERM II is a necessary but insufficient requirement for that country to meet the exchange rate convergence criterion. However, since ERM II membership is, for its part, voluntary, this also makes a country’s decision to introduce the euro completely voluntary. Accordingly, a Member State like Sweden is entitled to simply circumvent introducing the euro by simply refraining from participating in the ERM II. The author continuously refers to how different groups of Member States have been treated in the past with regard to them introducing the euro.


2021 ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Sebastian Heselhaus

AbstractSwitzerland and the European Union (EU) face similar challenges when it comes to the decarbonisation and securing of energy supply. Both lack sufficient domestic energy resources, apart from nuclear energy. But nuclear energy has become controversial after the nuclear meltdown accident at Fukushima, Japan, in 2011. Without reconsidering nuclear energy as a future energy resource, the cooperation in the energy market between the EU and Switzerland becomes even more vital for securing energy supply. While in the past, Switzerland has fulfilled an important function in securing energy supply in neighbouring EU Member States, lately, the EU has provided for its own governance for emergency situations. However, Switzerland will maintain its function as an interface in the electricity sector. This is even more true, since the new focus on renewable energies fosters the demand for flexible cross-boundary solutions. An electricity agreement between Switzerland and the EU might provide a stable legal framework for these developments. The price to pay for Switzerland will be a further opening of the market, offering the private consumer a choice of energy providers. The good news for Swiss strategies for promoting renewable energies is that EU Member States are still allowed to take a flexible approach towards national promotion measures, especially in designing them to their territory. Therefore, the cooperation between Switzerland and the EU offers some advantages in terms of flexibility in the quest for security of supply while fighting climate change.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Ria Silviana

The EU is a European regional organization which was initially formed due to the economic issue. After that, the EU’s focus expanded to the issue of refugees. Nowadays, the EU’s problem of refugees was caused by the phenomenon of the Arab Spring or Arab revolution that occurred in several Arab countries. Including Syria, which is part of this phenomenon. As a result of the rebellion against the Bashar al-Assad government in Syria, then causing humanitarian problems made the Syrian people feel unsafe to live in their own country, so they sought protection in various countries, including going to European countries. They thought that Europe is a safe area and looks better to provide protection for them. But not all of the EU Member States are able and willing to accept the number of refugees that arrived in their country, even though the EU has the regulations regarding refugees protection. So, the EU’s role is needed to handle the Syrian refugees in its Member States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-232
Author(s):  
Alena Dorakh

The purpose of this paper is to verify and estimate, besides gravity factors, the individual country specific determinants in influencing FDI inflows to the selected countries. More than standard factors, we revile additional factors, which could explain the investment in the EU. In this context, we take into account the neighboring effects as an important motive for FDI inflows last time. Our findings verify that efficiency-seeking and more complex form of the FDI determinants is more pronounced strategy now in the new EU member states than market-seeking FDI that is more relevant for the whole EU. Moreover, in addition to the existing literature, we argue that a variation in FDI determined by the EU-2004 enlargement started earlier than official date and remains its impact. Supposedly, a significant surrounding market potential could be for the new EU member states an evidence of the complex vertical FDI determinant today.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 506-523 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Chaban ◽  
Ole Elgström ◽  
Michèle Knodt

A small but growing literature has started to analyse the European Union (EU) ‘as an effective peacemaker’. We make a contribution to this field by investigating EU mediation effectiveness in the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The focus is on perceptions of effectiveness. Based on information from semi-structured interviews, we compare EU self-images with Ukrainian evaluations of EU mediation efforts. How effective is the EU, including its Member States, deemed to be? What factors are believed to lie behind perceived (in)effectiveness? We concentrate on four such factors, derived from the mediator literature: perceived (im)partiality, coherence and credibility and, finally, evaluations of the EU’s mediation strategies. Both internal and external views singled out EU member states as the most effective actors in current mediation. The role of EU was seen in ambivalent terms by both sides. All the four determinants of mediation effectiveness are discussed in our material, but differ considerably in the degree of attention given to each of them. While (im)partiality is not a factor that is linked to effectiveness in any straightforward way, EU incoherence is associated with inconsistent and weak policies, notably in the Ukraine material.


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