scholarly journals Inequalities in the European Union—A Partial Order Analysis of the Main Indicators

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6278
Author(s):  
Lars Carlsen ◽  
Rainer Bruggemann

The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-51
Author(s):  
Anniek de Ruijter

This book looks at the impact of the expanding power of the EU in terms of fundamental rights and values. The current chapter lays down the framework for this analysis. Law did not always have a central role to play in the context of medicine and health. The role of law grew after the Second Word War and the Nuremberg Doctors Trials (1947), in which preventing the repetition of atrocities that were committed in the name of medicine became a guidepost for future law regarding patients’ rights and bioethics. In the period after the War, across the EU Member States, health law developed as a legal discipline in which a balance was struck in medicine and public health between law, bioethics, and fundamental rights. The role of EU fundamental rights protections in the context of public health and health care developed in relation with the growth of multilevel governance and litigation (national, international, Council of Europe, and European Union). For the analysis here, this chapter develops an EU rights and values framework that goes beyond the strictly legal and allows for a ‘normative language’ that takes into consideration fundamental rights as an expression of important shared values in the context of the European Union. The perspective of EU fundamental rights and values can demonstrate possible tensions caused by EU health policy: implications in terms of fundamental rights can show how highly sensitive national policy issues may be affected by the Member States’ participation in EU policymaking activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-223
Author(s):  
Jean-Baptiste Farcy

Abstract This article critically assesses EU harmonisation in the field of labour immigration. It argues that EU directives are limited both in scope and intensity which explains their relatively low effectiveness and added value. Given the current political and institutional context, the article claims that a truly common labour immigration policy is unrealistic. Labour immigration remains a predominantly national prerogative and EU rules have done little to overcome normative competition between EU Member States. Looking forward, the EU should adopt complementary measures to Member States’ policies. The role of the EU in this sensitive policy area should be better defined and justified, in particular in relation to the principle of subsidiarity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hrant Kostanyan

By applying the rational choice principal–agent model, this article examines the European Union member states’ principal control of the European External Action Service (eeas) agent. More specifically, the article applies mechanisms of agency monitoring, control and sanctions that are inherent in the principal–agent model to analyse the establishment and functioning of the eeas. These mechanisms aim to ensure the eeas’s compliance with its mandate, thereby curtailing its ability to pursue own objectives that are independent from the principal. The findings reveal that the eeas is tightly controlled by the eu member states. Moreover the European Commission has tools to exercise horizontal checks vis-à-vis the eeas. The application of the principal–agent model to control the eeas is not without its limits. The model falls short of conceptualizing the role of the European Parliament, which remains an outlier to this model.


Author(s):  
Piotr Podsiadło

The paper discusses guidelines for implementation of art. 107-109 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, from the point of view of state aid for training. Training usually generates positive externalities for society as a whole, since it increases the pool of skilled workers from which other firms may draw, improves the competitiveness of the EU industry and plays an important role in the EU employment strategy. Statistical analysis was carried out on state aid granted by the EU Member States in the period 2001-2014 - from the perspective of its impact on competitiveness of these countries. This should lead to verification of thesis that the amount of state aid granted by the EU Member States for training, should positively correlate with the size of the GDP per capita of these countries


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-25
Author(s):  
Natanya Meyer ◽  
Robert Magda ◽  
Norbert Bozsik

This article provides an overview of the structure and utilization of the new EU member states (EU-13) energy consumption. During the analysis, it was determined which non-renewable energy carriers were replaced by renewables ones. The replacement of energy sources with each other was analyzed by means of a correlation matrix. Results indicated that coal was replaced by renewable energies in Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Cyprus. Furthermore, the renewables basically replaced oil in Malta and gas was replaced by renewables in Lithuania. In other countries the relation between renewables and non-renewables could not be detected. The structure of energy production in the EU countries were different due to the differences of natural endowments. The main goal of the European Union energy policy is to reduce the CO2 emission by decreasing the fossil fuel consumption and this finding new ways to replace traditional energy sources is of utmost importance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Ria Silviana

The EU is a European regional organization which was initially formed due to the economic issue. After that, the EU’s focus expanded to the issue of refugees. Nowadays, the EU’s problem of refugees was caused by the phenomenon of the Arab Spring or Arab revolution that occurred in several Arab countries. Including Syria, which is part of this phenomenon. As a result of the rebellion against the Bashar al-Assad government in Syria, then causing humanitarian problems made the Syrian people feel unsafe to live in their own country, so they sought protection in various countries, including going to European countries. They thought that Europe is a safe area and looks better to provide protection for them. But not all of the EU Member States are able and willing to accept the number of refugees that arrived in their country, even though the EU has the regulations regarding refugees protection. So, the EU’s role is needed to handle the Syrian refugees in its Member States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 506-523 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Chaban ◽  
Ole Elgström ◽  
Michèle Knodt

A small but growing literature has started to analyse the European Union (EU) ‘as an effective peacemaker’. We make a contribution to this field by investigating EU mediation effectiveness in the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The focus is on perceptions of effectiveness. Based on information from semi-structured interviews, we compare EU self-images with Ukrainian evaluations of EU mediation efforts. How effective is the EU, including its Member States, deemed to be? What factors are believed to lie behind perceived (in)effectiveness? We concentrate on four such factors, derived from the mediator literature: perceived (im)partiality, coherence and credibility and, finally, evaluations of the EU’s mediation strategies. Both internal and external views singled out EU member states as the most effective actors in current mediation. The role of EU was seen in ambivalent terms by both sides. All the four determinants of mediation effectiveness are discussed in our material, but differ considerably in the degree of attention given to each of them. While (im)partiality is not a factor that is linked to effectiveness in any straightforward way, EU incoherence is associated with inconsistent and weak policies, notably in the Ukraine material.


Author(s):  
Amy Verdun

European integration theories help us understand the actors and mechanisms that drive European integration. Traditionally, European integration scholars used grand theories of integration to explain why integration progresses or stands still. Born out of assumptions that are prevalent in realist international relations theories, intergovernmentalism was first developed as a theory in opposition to neofunctionalism. In a nutshell, intergovernmentalism argues that states (i.e., national governments or state leaders), based on national interests, determine the outcome of integration. Intergovernmentalism was seen as a plausible explanatory perspective during the 1970s and 1980s, when the integration process seemed to have stalled. Despite the fact that it could not explain many of the gradual incremental changes or informal politics, intergovernmentalism—as did various other approaches—gained renewed popularity in the 1990s, following the launch of liberal intergovernmentalism. During that decade, the study of European integration was burgeoning, triggered in part by the aim to complete the single market and the signing of the Maastricht Treaty that launched the European Union (EU). Intergovernmentalism also often received considerable pushback from researchers who were unconvinced by its core predictions. Attempts to relaunch intergovernmentalism were made in the 2010s, in response to the observation that EU member states played a prominent role in dealing with the various crises that the EU was confronted with at that time, such as the financial crisis and the migration crisis. Although intergovernmentalism is unable —and is not suited—to explain all aspects of European integration, scholars revert to intergovernmentalism as a theoretical approach in particular when examining the role of member states in European politics. Outside the EU, in the international arena (such as the United Nations), intergovernmentalism is also observed when studying various forums in which member states come together to bargain over particular collective outcomes in an intergovernmental setting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yakup Öz

In recent decades, learning abroad mobility has become a popular movement and has often been considered among students in higher education. However, in the European Union (EU) context, opportunities to learn abroad are also provided for non-student groups of youth. Accordingly, this study aims to examine the role of certain socioeconomic factors concerning participation in learning abroad mobility and to compare their contribution between students and non-student groups of youth in six country groups in the EU. In so doing, a quantitative method was followed by using the data of Flash Eurobarometer 478. Findings of the multinomial logistic regression analyses show that although there is no significant difference between the EU15 and NMS (new member states) regarding young people’s participation in learning abroad mobility, such difference occurs within the NMS. Students are more likely than nonstudents to participate in general. The age of students, being female and living in rural areas among non-students can also hinder participation.


Author(s):  
T. S. Zaplatina

This article is devouted to the analises of legal approaches to the regulation of artifi cial intelligence in the European Union and its member states. The European Union, Austria, France and Germany legal regulation analysis shows that at that moment there is no single approach regarding the legal regulation of artifi cial intelligence and robots. So, current legal rules are not fully applicable in the scope of contractual liability, that creates need for the adoption of new eff ective standards meeting modern technological achievements and innovations. There is important role of ethical and legal issues associating with risks in the fi eld of human rights and fundamental freedoms, issues developing ethical principles in artifi cial intelligence algorithms. The single legal European approach will help to avoid fragmentation of the EU Member States legislation and will expand the possibilities of mutual recognition in the cross-border use of robots and robotic systems.


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