THE MULTIPLE FUNCTIONALITY OF THE PRONOUN ʾULĀʾIKA IN THE QURʾĀN

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Dror Yehudit
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Simple Sentence ◽  
Number Agreement ◽  
Demonstrative Pronoun ◽  
Anaphoric Pronouns ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
Grammatical Number

Demonstrative pronouns may function as deictic or anaphoric pronouns. The demonstrative pronoun ʾulāʾika in Arabic is the focus of this paper. It is argued that in the Qurʾān, besides being an anaphoric/resumptive pronoun, which primarily functions as the syntactic subject, it has three additional functions: (1) as a resumptive pronoun of the left-dislocation construction, helping in retrieving the predicate, which usually consists of a short clause following a ‘heavy’ subject. (2) Possibly it has the same function as ḍamīr al-faṣl, ‘separation pronoun’—namely, ʾulāʾika occurs in a simple sentence where it separates a definite subject and a definite predicate. It also occurs between subject and predicate, while both are constructed as relative clauses, and between a ‘heavy’ subject and indefinite predicate. (3) As a number marker in conditional clauses that are headed by the conditional particle man, and two kinds of number agreement are exhibited in the clause: singular and plural.ʾulāʾika in this case marks the transition from the grammatical-number feature associated with man to the notional number of man.

scholarly journals Conceptual effects on agreement: A corpus study of mismatch in English copular constructions

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Cecily Jill Duffield
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Information ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Number Agreement ◽  
Verb Agreement ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Agreement Morphology ◽  
Grammatical Number ◽  
Verb Number ◽  
Conceptual Relationship

Research on the production of subject-verb agreement has focused on the features of the subject rather than the larger construction in which subject-verb agreement is produced or how the conceptual relationship between subjects and predicates may interact in affecting subject-verb agreement patterns. This corpus study describes subject-verb number agreement mismatch in English copular constructions which take the frame of (SEMANTICALLY LIGHT) N + [REL] + COP + (SPECIFIC) PRED NOM, where the copula reflects the grammatical number of the predicate. Results suggest that speakers make use of conceptual information from the entire construction, and not just the subject, when formulating agreement morphology.

Headless Relative Clauses in Sierra Popoluca

2021 ◽  
pp. 475-508
Author(s):  
Wendy López Márquez
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The State ◽  
Productive System ◽  
Free Relative ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Sierra Popoluca

This chapter presents the first investigation of headless relative clauses in Sierra Popoluca, a Mixe-Zoquean language spoken in the southern part of the state of Veracruz, Mexico. It shows that Sierra Popoluca exhibits a very productive system of headless relative clauses. The language has free relative clauses of all three major types attested crosslinguistically and, remarkably, all three types can be introduced by almost all the wh-words that can occur in wh- interrogative clauses. It also has two types of light-headed relative clauses, both with demonstrative pronouns as their “light heads”: those which are introduced by a relative subordinator and those that are introduced by wh-words—the same two strategies attested in headed relative clauses in Sierra Popoluca. Finally, the language has one more variety of headless relative clause that lacks both a light head and a wh-word.

Resumptivity and two types of A′‑dependencies in the Minimalist Program

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-78
Author(s):  
Victor Junnan Pan
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Diagnostic Tests ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Locality Condition ◽  
Sharp Distinction ◽  
Crossover Effects ◽  
Locality Constraint ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Semantic Properties

This paper examines the derivation of two types of A′-dependencies — relative clauses and Left-Dislocation structures — in the framework of Minimalist Program based on Mandarin data. Relatives and LD structures demonstrate many distinct syntactic and semantic properties when they contain a gap and a resumptive pronoun respectively. A thorough study of the relevant data reveals that when a gap strategy is adopted, island effects and crossover effects are always observed, irrespective of whether the relevant gap is embedded within a relative clause or within an LD structure; on the contrary, when the resumptive strategy is adopted, a sharp distinction is observed between these two structures. A resumptive relative clause gives rise to island effects and crossover effects systematically; by contrast, a resumptive LD structure never gives rise to these effects. In the Minimalist Program, island effects and crossover effects are not exclusively used as diagnostic tests for movement since the operation Agree is also subject to locality constraints. I will argue that a relative clause containing either a gap or an RP and an LD structure with gap are derived by Agree and they are subject to the locality condition whereas a resumptive LD structure is derived by Match that is an island free operation and it is not subject to the locality constraint. Multiple Transfer and multiple Spell-Out are possible in an Agree chain, but not in a Matching chain. The choice of the derivational mechanism depends on the interpretability of the formal features attached to the Probe and to the Goal in the relevant A′-dependencies.

scholarly journals Kesalahan Penggunaan Kata Ganti Demonstratif Ko-So-A pada Kalimat Bahasa Jepang dalam Ujian Akhir Semester Penerjemahan Lisan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-214
Author(s):  
Irma Winingsih
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Japanese Language ◽  
Final Exam ◽  
Demonstrative Pronoun ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
Japanese Learners

AbstractBunmyakushiji type of ‘Ko-So-A’ demontrative pronouns are words that are being used to replace word(s) or to refer word(s) or thing(s) which have said before. The Ko-So-A demonstrative pronouns have difference usage with pronoun in Indonesian language. Writer found out there are many Japanese learners in Japanese Language Department of Dian Nuswantoro University including were having difficulties to distinguish functions of each pronoun. Because of that, writer is interested in analyzing the errors made by learner when using bunmyakushiji type of demonstrative pronoun. Writer use qualitative method and analytic descriptive. The data were collected from conversations of  Interpreting class’s Final Exam. The result was error usage of So and A demonstrative pronouns often happened than error usage of Ko and So demonstrative pronouns.  Keywords: kosoa, error, demonstrative, understanding. AbstrakKata ganti demonstratif Ko-So-A yang berfungsi kontekstual digunakan untukmerujuk atau menggantikan kata yang dituturkan sebelumnya. Penggunaannyaberbeda dengan kata ganti demonstrative dalam bahasa Indonesia.Karena dalamUjian Akhir Semester mata kuliah Penerjemahan Lisan yang merupakan percakapan antara penguji dengan mahasiswa cukup banyak ditemukan kesalahan penggunaan kata ganti ini, maka penulis tertarik untuk meneliti kesalahan tersebut.Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Data diperoleh dari percakapan/tanya jawab dalam ujian. Hasilnya yaitu kesalahan penggunaan kata ganti demonstrative So dan A lebih banyak ditemukan dibandingkan kesalahan penggunaan kata ganti demonstratif Ko dan So. Kata Kunci: ko-so-a, kesalahan, demonstratif, pemahaman 

scholarly journals Relativização restritiva e relativização apositiva em português Brasileiro (Restrictive relativization and appositive relativization in Brazilian Portuguese)

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Adriana Stella C. Lessa-de-Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Left Dislocation ◽  
Restrictive Relatives ◽  
Standard Strategy ◽  
Principles And Parameters

Neste estudo, registro uma generalização não notificada na literatura sobre sentenças relativas em PB - relativas apositivas não são permitidas como estratégia não-padrão. Assumindo a proposta de Kato (1993) (reformulada por KATO; NUNES, 2009), segundo a qual estruturas de deslocamento à esquerda estão na base da derivação de relativas não-padrão (resumptiva e cortadora) em PB, e a proposta de Kayne (1994), segundo a qual a estrutura das relativas é [DP D CP], este estudo chega a uma explicação que abarca três fenômenos empiricamente verificados: aceitabilidade da estratégia padrão como restritiva ou apositiva, aceitabilidade das estratégias não-padrão restritivas e inaceitabilidade das estratégias não-padrão apositivas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Português Brasileiro. Princípios e Parâmetros. Relativas Apositivas. Relativas Não-Padrão. Relativas Restritivas.ABSTRACT In this study, I document a generalization which has not been noticed in the literature on BP relative clauses ?öÇ appositive clauses do not allow the non-standard strategy. Assuming Kato?ÇÖs (1993) proposal (reformulated by KATO; NUNES, 2009) that left dislocation structures underlie the derivation of non-standard (resumptive and PP-chopping) relatives in BP, and Kayne?ÇÖs proposal that the structure of relatives is [DP D0 CP], this study provides an explication for three empiric phenomena: acceptablity of the standard strategy for restrictive or appositive relatives, acceptability of the non-standard strategy for restrictive relatives and inacceptability of the non-standard strategy for appositive relatives. KEYWORDS: Appositive Relatives. Brazilian Portuguese. Non-Standard Relatives. Principles and Parameters, Restrictive Relatives.

scholarly journals Interpreting Estonian Demonstratives: The Effects of Referent’s Distance and Visual Salience

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Reile ◽  
Kristiina Averin ◽  
Nele Põldver
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Visual Salience ◽  
The South ◽  
Research Attention ◽  
The North ◽  
Demonstrative Pronoun ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns

Most of the research done with spatial demonstratives (words such as this, here and that, there) have focused on the production, not the interpretation, of these words. In addition, emphasis has been largely on demonstrative pronouns, leaving demonstrative adverbs with relatively little research attention. The present study explores the interpretation of both demonstrative pronouns and demonstrative adverbs in Estonian—a Finno-Ugric language with two dialectal-specific demonstrative pronoun systems. In the South-Estonian (SE) dialectal region, two demonstrative pronouns, see—“this” and too—“that”, are used. In the North-Estonian (NE) region, only one, see—“this/that”, is used. The aim of this study is twofold. First, we test if the distance and the visual salience of a referent have an effect on the interpretation of demonstratives. Second, we explore if there is a difference in the interpretation of demonstratives between native speakers from SE and NE. We used an interpretation experiment with 30 participants per group (total n = 60) and compared the SE and NE group responses. The results clearly show that the distance of the referent has an effect on how demonstratives are interpreted across the two groups, while the effect of visual salience is inconclusive. There is also a difference in the interpretation of demonstratives between the two dialectal groups. When using the Estonian with an influence of the SE dialect, the NE speakers rely on demonstrative adverbs in interpreting the referential utterance that includes demonstrative pronoun and adverb combinations, whereas the SE speakers also take into account the semantics of demonstrative pronouns. We show that, in addition to an already known difference in the production, there is also a difference in the interpretation of demonstratives between the two groups. In addition, our findings support the recognition that languages that have distance neutral demonstrative pronouns enforce the spatial meaning of a referring utterance by adding demonstrative adverbs. Not only is the interpretation of demonstrative pronouns affected, but the interpretation of demonstrative adverbs as well. The latter shows the importance of studying adverbs also, not just pronouns, and contributes to further knowledge of how demonstratives function.

scholarly journals The timing of prominence information during the resolution of German personal and demonstrative pronouns

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Clare Patterson ◽  
Petra Schumacher
Keyword(s):  
Strong Preference ◽  
Personal Pronoun ◽  
Processing Conditions ◽  
Deep Processing ◽  
Strategic Control ◽  
Personal Pronouns ◽  
Two Stage ◽  
Demonstrative Pronoun ◽  
Additional Processing ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns

German personal and demonstrative pronouns have distinct preferences in their interpretation; personal pronouns are more flexible in their interpretation but tend to resolve to a prominent antecedent, while demonstratives have a strong preference for a non-prominent antecedent. However, less is known about how prominence information is used during the process of resolution, particularly in the light of two- stage processing models which assume that reference will normally be to the most accessible candidate. We conducted three experiments investigating how prominence information is used during the resolution of gender-disambiguated personal and demonstrative pronouns in German. While the demonstrative pronoun required additional processing compared to the personal pronoun, prominence information did not affect resolution in shallow conditions. It did, however, affect resolution under deep processing conditions. We conclude that prominence information is not ruled out by the presence of stronger resolution cues such as gender. However, the deployment of prominence information in the evaluation of candidate antecedents is under strategic control.

Context and Discourse Conventions

2021 ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Una Stojnić
Keyword(s):  
Logical Form ◽  
The State ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Discourse Coherence ◽  
Demonstrative Pronoun ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns

This chapter further develops the idea that discourse conventions govern the dynamics of prominence, and determine the state of the conversational record, fixing the interpretation of an occurrence of a prominence-sensitive expression, such as a demonstrative pronoun. The chapter identifies a range of linguistic mechanisms—discourse conventions—that affect prominence as a matter of their grammatical contribution reflected in the logical form of a discourse. Specifically, it is argued that mechanisms of discourse coherence—the inferential connections between individual utterances that signal how they are organized into a coherent discourse—affect the contextual prominence ranking of candidate interpretations for demonstrative pronouns as a matter of their grammatically encoded contribution. The meaning of a demonstrative is then determined linguistically through and through. While demonstratives are prominence-sensitive, they are not sensitive to non-linguistic features of utterance situation.

Towards a unified analysis of Katcha nominal modifiers

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Darryl Turner
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
African Languages ◽  
Identical Distribution ◽  
Demonstrative Pronouns ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This paper presents a description and analysis of the syntax of nominal modifiers in Katcha. The three main types of nominal modifiers in Katcha, demonstratives, possessive noun phrases and relative clauses, all agree with their head noun in gender, are morphologically marked when their head noun is a peripheral argument of the verb, and can occur in ‘headless’ constructions where there is no overt head noun. In the latter case they have a pronominal interpretation. The paper argues that a unified account of all nominal modifiers can be provided by adopting two premises: firstly, the possessive and relative markers are allomorphs of the proximal demonstrative; secondly, demonstratives in Katcha are pronouns rather than determiners. All nominal modifiers can then be characterized as appositional phrases headed by demonstrative pronouns. This characterization allows the inclusion of the medial and distal pronouns into the system, explaining why they have a different form to all other nominal modifiers, but identical distribution. The final section adds cross-linguistic perspective by discussing the relationship between this analysis of Katcha and the notion of construct state, most familiar in Semitic, but which has been argued to be a concept appropriate to a number of African languages.

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