scholarly journals Populism in the 2019 General Elections. Analysis of the speeches by the three right-wing candidates on Twitter

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tamara Vázquez-Barrio
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Scientific Debate ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
European Situation ◽  
Regional Elections

The scientific debate regarding populism has been renewed by the rise of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe. Spain was an exception to the European situation until Vox stormed onto the scene in the Andalusian regional elections in December 2018. By taking into account the definition of populism from Jaager & Walgrave (2007), Mudde (2007), Hawkins (2010), Charaudeau’s populist discourse analysis (2009), and the idea of “contamination” by Hernández Carr, 2011 and Van Spanje, 2010, this article presents the results of an analysis regarding the discourse of the tweets published by the candidates of the three right-wing national parties during the electoral campaign in Spain prior to the day of the elections on 28 April 2019. The aim of the study is to reveal whether Abascal’s discourse conforms to the parameters of the populist style, and whether there was contamination by Abascal (Vox) of the issues and rhetoric of Pablo Casado (Partido Popular-PP) and Albert Rivera (Ciudadanos-Cs). Firstly, the quantitative analysis shows that Abascal’s political discourse on this social network is in line with the discursive strategies of populism; Secondly, the Vox leader behaves differently from the candidates of the PP and Cs. Finally, the influence of Vox’s discourse on the other two parties with which he competes on the right-wing ideological spectrum is lower than expected.

scholarly journals Explaining the end of Spanish exceptionalism and electoral support for Vox

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316801985168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Elections

The 2018 regional elections in Andalucía marked the end of Spain’s exceptional status as a country with a party system free from the radical right. The electoral success of the radical right-wing challenger, Vox, who gained 11% of the vote and 12 seats in the regional parliament, brought this exceptionalism to an end. This paper analyses the individual-level determinants that explain the electoral success of Vox and the emergence of the radical right within the Spanish party system. The results indicate that concerns over devolution, likely engendered by the Catalan separatist crisis, predominantly explain voters’ preferences for the right-wing challenger. This is true both amongst the general electorate as well as amongst the former voters of other right-wing parties. Significantly, against popular assumptions and empirical observations explaining the rise of radical right-wing parties across much of Western Europe, the results display no empirical link between immigration and electoral support for Vox.

scholarly journals Elections in times of neo-coupism and populism: A short essay on Brazil's right-wing presidential candidates' plans for governance and their proposals for gender and Afro-Brazilians

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Rangel ◽  
Eneida Vinhaes Dultra
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Short Essay

In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.

The new challengers: greens and right-wing populist parties in western Europe

1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Müller-Rommel
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
New Left ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Green Parties ◽  
The Right

The decline in confidence in the traditional parties in Western Europe has manifested itself through the emergence of the Green parties on the Left and populist parties on the Right. Despite successes in some countries, these parties have remained small, although they have been able, respectively, to play on the growth of ‘post-materialist’ values on the Left, and of anti-immigrant sentiments on the Right. The prospects for these parties are not very good, in particular for the right-wing populist parties, which are highly dependent on the popularity of their leaders, and even for the Green parties, although these can exploit the internal divisions within Socialist parties between supporters of the ‘traditional’ Left and supporters of the ‘New’ Left.

Flank attacks

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Rooduijn ◽  
Tjitske Akkerman
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Category ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Good People ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Radical Left

How is populism distributed over the political spectrum? Are right-wing parties more populist than left-wing parties? Based on the analysis of 32 parties in five Western European countries between 1989 and 2008, we show that radical parties on both the left and the right are inclined to employ a populist discourse. This is a striking finding, because populism in Western Europe has typically been associated with the radical right; only some particular radical left parties have been labeled populist as well. This article suggests that the contemporary radical left in Western Europe is generally populist. Our explanation is that many contemporary radical left parties are not traditionally communist or socialist (anymore). They do not focus on the ‘proletariat’, but glorify a more general category: the ‘good people’. Moreover, they do not reject the system of liberal democracy as such, but only criticize the political and/or economic elites within that system.

How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
Syrian Refugee Crisis

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.

scholarly journals Individual differences in need satisfaction and intentions to vote for specific political parties – results from Germany

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelia Sindermann ◽  
Christian Montag
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Big Five ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Need Satisfaction ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Tremendous Importance ◽  
The Right ◽  
Voting Intentions

AbstractUnderstanding the psychological basis of individuals' voting intentions is of tremendous importance because voting for specific parties and politicians can influence political developments. In the present study associations of individuals’ satisfaction of each of Maslow’s five basic need categories with voting intentions were investigated in a German sample and these results were compared to results on associations between personality and voting intentions. An online survey was completed by N = 2593 (n = 1035 men) individuals. Participants provided information on socio-demographic characteristics, filled in the Need Satisfaction Inventory, the Big Five Inventory, and stated which of the major German parties they would vote for if general elections were held the following Sunday. Data were analyzed using the statistical software R and RStudio. Among others, it was found that higher satisfaction of physiological needs and higher satisfaction of safety and security needs were associated with intentions to vote for the currently governing party alliance, the CDU/CSU, versus for the right-wing AfD. Regarding personality, among others Openness was positively associated with intentions to vote for nearly every party (except the CDU/CSU) versus for the AfD. Effect sizes of associations were overall rather small; generally speaking, those related to the Need Satisfaction Inventory were even slightly smaller than those found for personality traits. The present results indicate that other factors aside from needs and personality must be considered to understand voting. Therefore, this study sets a starting point for further investigations to replicate and expand the present findings.

scholarly journals DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT OF «DEFAMATION» IN THE COUNTRIES OF CONTITENTAL EUROPE

2021 ◽  
pp. 104-111
Author(s):  
N. I. Skoropysova
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Burden Of Proof ◽  
Moral Rights ◽  
Protection Mechanism ◽  
Inaccurate Information ◽  
European Court ◽  
Protected Object ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

The article discusses the key issues of the interpretation of the concept of “defamation” in the countries of Western Europe. In a modern social and legal state, considerable attention is paid to the protection of individual rights and freedoms as the foundations of democracy. One of the basic personal rights is the right to personal dignity, protection of honor and reputation. Analysis of the structures of the current legislation, the positions of the Supreme Court, acts of the European Court, as well as classical and newest scientific approaches, defamation is an offense expressed in the dissemination of inaccurate information that violates the right of a legal entity to a business reputation. Honor, dignity, business reputation are constituent elements of such categories as personal moral rights and intangible benefits, in order to ensure the realization and functioning of the rights of which, a well-thought-out, well-coordinated and effective protection mechanism must be produced. Attention is focused on the fact that for the proper operation of such a mechanism, it is necessary to determine, first of all, the protected object, what are its features and boundaries that need to be regulated by law. Indeed, in the case of securing an incomplete list of protected in the legislation, fixing in the norms not all signs of the protected or the presence of gaps in the regulation of this legal relationship, the potential for abuse of the right or misinterpretation of its norms arises. National laws define in different ways whether the burden of proof lies with the plaintiff or the defendant. It is concluded that defamation is one of the unlawful acts that infringe upon honor, dignity and reputation and requires further study in the practice of the European Court. In dealing with defamation cases, courts always need to find a compromise and strike a balance between freedom of expression, freedom of thought and speech, and protection of dignity, honor and reputation.

scholarly journals The right to comfort in the century of the self

2021 ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
Zara Ferreira
Keyword(s):  
Social Transformation ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

After the war, the world was divided between two main powers, a Western capitalist bloc led by the USA, and an Eastern communist bloc, driven by the USSR. From Japan to Mexico, the post-war years were ones of prosperous economic growth and profound social transformation. It was the time of re-housing families split apart and of rebuilding destroyed cities, but it was also the time of democratic rebirth, the definition of individual and collective freedoms and rights, and of belief in the open society envisaged by Karl Popper. Simultaneously, it was the time of the biggest migrations from the countryside, revealing a large faith in the city, and of baby booms, revealing a new hope in humanity. (...) Whether through welfare state systems, as mainly evidenced in Western Europe, under the prospects launched by the Plan Marshall (1947), or through the establishment of local housing authorities funded or semi-funded by the government, or through the support of private companies, civil organizations or associations, the time had come for the large-scale application of the principles of modern architecture and engineering developed before the war. From the Spanish polígonos residenciales to the German großsiedlungen, ambitious housing programs were established in order to improve the citizens’ living conditions and health standards, as an answer to the housing shortage, and as a symbol of a new egalitarian society: comfort would no longer only be found in bourgeois houses.

Part III: New Perspectives on International Migration to Europe: International Comparisons and International Relations: North American Free Trade and the European Situation Compared

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 506-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Weintraub
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
International Comparisons ◽  
The United States ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
Trade Preferences ◽  
The Right ◽  
European Situation

While both the EC and NAFTA are designed to provide trade preferences to the member countries, the two groupings differ markedly in other respects. The Treaty of Rome, establishing what is now the EC, consciously used economic means to foster political cohesion in Western Europe; whereas, the NAFTA negotiations seek free trade rather than more comprehensive economic integration precisely to minimize political content. The EC contains many social provisions absent from the NAFTA discussions, the most important of which is the right of migration from one EC country to another. However, migration between Mexico and the United States, both legal and undocumented, is more extensive than between any of the EC countries. This migration is unlikely to diminish in the near to medium term because of the great disparity that exists in the levels of income of the two countries. However, a reduction in the pressure to emigrate from Mexico over the long term requires sustained economic growth there, to which free trade with the United States can contribute.

scholarly journals The Right-Wing Backlash in Brazil and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leigh A. Payne ◽  
Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Moral Worth ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Who is entitled to have rights? This essay examines how right-wing movements attempt to prevent individuals, especially women and members of LGBT groups, from accessing equal rights through the use of terms such as “moral worth” and “family values.” At the core of our discussion of the backlash against social rights in Latin America is the need to compare and contrast the case examined here with similar movements outside the region. The vast enterprise of studies on right-wing movements in Western Europe rarely travels outside a few national boundaries. Eastern Europe and the United States are occasionally included. For the most part, right-wing movements are not seen as comparable. Sometimes the reason for excluding Latin America is expressly stated, particularly because the historical experiences are so distinct—for example, the long duration of personal or military dictatorships. Interpretations of right-wing movements in Latin America by scholars outside the region tend to view them as associated with the period of authoritarian rule in the 1970s and 1980s or misunderstand them as having little impact on political life (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996, 1630). Analysis within the region has tended to focus on right-wing political parties, religious groups, or the military (Fortes 2016, Goldstein 2019; Hunter 1997; Luna and Rovira 2014). There are few studies of right-wing movements comparing regions. Latin America is thus seen as largely irrelevant to the comparative study of right-wing movements.

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