scholarly journals Elections in times of neo-coupism and populism: A short essay on Brazil's right-wing presidential candidates' plans for governance and their proposals for gender and Afro-Brazilians

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Rangel ◽  
Eneida Vinhaes Dultra

In October 2018, Brazil held general elections in which new senators, federal representatives, state representatives, governors, and the new president of the republic were chosen. The singularity of the context surrounding the elections is evident: the call occurred two years after a presidential impeachment linked to a state coup which consolidated the ascent of populist forces from the right and which initiated a series of regressions in social rights, criminalization of progressive activism, and increase of police violence. As a result, in the presidential elections, populist candidates and discourses of hate became popular, targeting historically marginalized social groups within the country (women, African-Brazilians, LGBTQIs – Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, Queers, Intersex – working class, rural communities, and the indigenous populations). This essay examines the presidential proposals or positions towards the aforementioned groups, paying particular attention to speeches of right-populist candidates, especially those made by Jair Bolsonaro, chosen in a runoff election.

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-362
Author(s):  
Myungji Yang

Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-271
Author(s):  
Salo de Carvalho ◽  
David R Goyes ◽  
Valeria Vegh Weis

Abstract There is a dearth of criminological scholarship on how the political persuasions of governments affect Indigenous people as it relates to human rights and environmental consequences, whether positive or negative, for Indigenous peoples. To address this gap, we develop a comparative instrumental case study of the policies concerning Indigenous peoples implemented during two political periods in Brazil: the administrations of presidents Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) and the administrations of Temer (2016–2018) and Bolsonaro (2019–). We explore the consequences for Indigenous peoples of these leftist and the right-wing governments. We argue that governments of both political leanings victimize Indigenous populations, with leftist governments using structural violence and right-wing governments engaging additionally in symbolic and direct violence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Sholahuddin Al-Fatih

ABSTRAKIndonesia telah menyelenggarakan 11 kali pemilihan umum (pemilu) sejak tahun 1955. Hingga saat ini, rezim hukum pemilu telah melahirkan banyak regulasi dan ketentuan baru, seperti aturan tentang threshold atau ambang batas. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 menyatakan bahwa Pasal 208 Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Pemilu Legislatif terkait dengan ambang batas parlemen (parliamentary threshold) sebesar 3,5% tidak berlaku secara nasional. Melengkapi putusan tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 menyebutkan bahwa pemilu tahun 2019 berlaku secara serentak, yang secara yuridis berdampak pada pola penerapan threshold. Rumusan masalah yang akan diurai dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana akibat hukum regulasi tentang threshold dalam pemilihan umum legislatif dan pemilihan presiden pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 dan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam konteks negara demokrasi, ambang batas atau threshold diterapkan sebagai batas untuk menyaring kandidat anggota legislatif ataupun presiden yang bersifat open legal policy dan diserahkan kepada pembuat undang-undang.Kata kunci: pemilihan umum legislatif, pemilihan presiden, ambang batas. ABSTRACTIndonesia has held 11 general elections since 1955. Up to now, the regime of general electoral law has given birth to many new regulations and provisions, such as regulations on threshold. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 states that Article 208 of Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the Legislative Election with a parliamentary threshold of 3.5% does not apply on a national scale. Complementing the ruling, the Constitutional Court through Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 states the 2019 general election applies simultaneously that it may bring juridical effect on the pattern of threshold application. The formulation of the problem to be explained in this analysis is how the legal impact of the regulation on threshold in legislative and presidential elections after the issuance of Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 and Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. This analysis uses a normative juridical research method. The results of the study show that in the context of a democratic country, the threshold is applied as a limit to filter out presidential candidates or legislative members, which is open legal policy and submitted to lawmakers. Keywords: legislative election, presidential election, threshold. 


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Eisler

Much of the extant literature assessing the Austrian Socialist Party's (SDAP) social welfare programs in post-First World War Vienna tends to interpret these as the product of a paternalistic and conservative 'Germanophile' party. Many scholars claim the Socialists suppressed spontaneous working-class political activism, dulling the consciousness of soldiers and workers to the imminent danger to the Republic posed by Austrian fascists. This essay instead proposes that there was a more complex relationship between the SDAP elite and its rank and file than has previously been thought. In attempting to engineer a new socialist society, the party combined progressive and traditional aspects in its welfare programs in an effort to both control and strengthen proletarian political consciousness. The ambiguous results of this program belie claims that the Viennese working class was supine either in the face of the SDAP's 'cultural offensive' or the right-wing reaction.


Author(s):  
Cornelia Sindermann ◽  
Christian Montag

AbstractUnderstanding the psychological basis of individuals' voting intentions is of tremendous importance because voting for specific parties and politicians can influence political developments. In the present study associations of individuals’ satisfaction of each of Maslow’s five basic need categories with voting intentions were investigated in a German sample and these results were compared to results on associations between personality and voting intentions. An online survey was completed by N = 2593 (n = 1035 men) individuals. Participants provided information on socio-demographic characteristics, filled in the Need Satisfaction Inventory, the Big Five Inventory, and stated which of the major German parties they would vote for if general elections were held the following Sunday. Data were analyzed using the statistical software R and RStudio. Among others, it was found that higher satisfaction of physiological needs and higher satisfaction of safety and security needs were associated with intentions to vote for the currently governing party alliance, the CDU/CSU, versus for the right-wing AfD. Regarding personality, among others Openness was positively associated with intentions to vote for nearly every party (except the CDU/CSU) versus for the AfD. Effect sizes of associations were overall rather small; generally speaking, those related to the Need Satisfaction Inventory were even slightly smaller than those found for personality traits. The present results indicate that other factors aside from needs and personality must be considered to understand voting. Therefore, this study sets a starting point for further investigations to replicate and expand the present findings.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The presidential elections held in November 2020 in Moldova resulted in the victory of a pro-European candidate Maia Sandu. In Moldova the problem of determining the foreign policy course does not lose its relevance –confrontation between pro-Russian and pro-Western forces does not stop in the country. The main goal of the right-wing forces that came to power is to change the geopolitical vector of Moldova in favor of the EU and the United States. In the near future the Moldovan society is expected to change, and first of all in the field of integration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-232
Author(s):  
Andi Desmon

As a means of implementing popular sovereignty, general elections have become a sort of agenda for modern state routines within a certain period of time to distribute power. Constitutionally, the implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Presidential threshold is the concept of proposing presidential and vice presidential candidates. This proposal is carried out by political parties or joint political parties in election elections. Political parties or joint political parties are responsible for the proposed pair of presidents and vice presidents. This paper uses normative juridical research. General elections are the implementation of the principle of popular sovereignty. One of the principles of popular sovereignty is the recognition of the majority of the voice of sovereignty and giving respect to the voice of minorities by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice. Therefore the implementation of the presidential threshold is not relevant to the principle of popular sovereignty, because it does not give respect to political parties that get a minority vote by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1307-1324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lachlan M Umbers

AbstractTurnout is in decline in established democracies around the world. Where, in the mid-1800s, 70–80 percent of eligible voters regularly participated in US Presidential elections, turnout has averaged just 53.7 percent since 1972. Average turnout in general elections in the UK has fallen from 76.6 percent during the period 1945–92, to 64.7 percent since 1997. Average turnout in Canadian federal elections has fallen from 74.5 percent during the period 1940–79, to 62.5 percent since 2000. For most democrats, these numbers are a cause for alarm. Compulsory voting is amongst the most effective means of raising turnout. However, compulsory voting is also controversial. Most of us think that coercion may only be employed against the citizenry if it is backed by a justification of the right kind. Opponents of compulsory voting charge that no such justification is available. This article resists this line of argument in two ways. First, I offer an argument from free-riding which, though gestured towards by others, and widely criticized, has yet to be defended in any depth. Second, I consider a range of objections to compulsory voting as such, arguing that none succeeds.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Agus Salim ◽  
Asip Suyadi

Indonesia is a democratic country. Every citizen has political rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.Protection of political rights as a human right owned by every citizen. Protection of citizens' political rights or individual political rights contained in the 1945 Constitution, namely Article 27 paragraph (1) states the equality of all citizens towards law and government; Article 28 concerning freedom; Article 28D paragraph (1) concerning the right to recognition, guarantee, protection and legal certainty for everyone; Article 28D paragraph (3) states that every citizen has the right to obtain equal opportunities in government; and Article 31 paragraph (1) to obtain education. Democracy occurs if there is recognition of political rights and the implementation of political participation of every citizen. Fulfillment of political rights before and after the prisoners also receive protection of their political rights. The political rights of ex-prisoners are protected by the constitution of the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 39 of 1999, and Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, and Constitutional Court Rejection Number 4 / PUU-VII / 2009. Based on this matter, this study aims to find out and analyze individual political rights that are confiscated along with the execution of punishment, and to know and analyze individual political rights to be able to conduct themselves after inmates. This research is descriptive analytical with a normative juridical approach.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

According to the results of the early parliamentary elections – 2021 in Moldova, the pro-presidential right-wing Action and Solidarity Party (PAS) won. For the first time in the history of the republic, the right-wing party won an absolute majority in the parliament. As a result, the consolidated power of the right-wing pro-European forces has been established in the country, which may mean a change in its geopolitical course.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document