scholarly journals Reminiscencja marksizmu-leninizmu w XXI wieku? Przykład Komunistycznej Partii Polski i Polskiej Socjalistycznej Partii Robotniczej

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-86
Author(s):  
Paweł Malendowicz ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Political System ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Source Materials

In 2002, the Communist Party of Poland and the Polish Socialist Workers’ Party were founded. Their programs were based on Marxism-Leninism. These parties were marginal organizations and did not play any significant role in the Polish political system. They made a positive but biased assessment of the period of socialism in Poland before 1989. This assessment was justified by the communist ideology. The Communist Party of Poland and the Polish Socialist Workers’ Party negatively assessed the political and economic transformation in Poland after 1989. They also criticized Poland's inclusion in the globalization processes, and positively assessed the policies pursued by countries that have not changed their systems, such as Cuba and North Korea. To verify this research hypothesis, the author used the method of qualitative analysis of source materials, including manifestos, policy documents and journalism of the aforementioned politica parties.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

„I Have a Dream“

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Werner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
East Germany ◽  
Martin Luther ◽  
The Political ◽  
Church Staff ◽  
Martin Luther King

Martin Luther King and East Germany are connected both directly and indirectly. The Communist Party had the power to make public decisions on agenda-setting topics related to Martin Luther King. The Christian Bloc Party mostly represented the state and published books by Martin Luther King, which churches and the civil rights movement liked to use. Moreover, pacifists and civil rights activists used these books to undermine the political system in East Germany. Church institutions reported by far the most on Martin Luther King. This empirical study, which can also act as a basis for further research on Martin Luther King and East Germany, will appeal to both church staff and admirers of Martin Luther King.

The Southeast Was Red: Left-State Alliances and Popular Mobilizations in Yucatán, 1930–1940

1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Fallaw
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political System ◽  
National Level ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
Local Levels

Between 1935 and 1940, President Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico mobilized a populist coalition in support of land reform, workers’ rights, and a more inclusive political system. For years, scholars either ignored the crucial role of the Mexican Communist Party (Partido Comunista Mexicano [PCM]) inCardenismo, or considered it a tool used and then discarded by the emerging national state (Shulgovski 1968; Anguiano 1975; Ianni 1977). Recently, Barry Carr’s monumental study (1992) of the ambiguous relationship between the PCM and the Mexican state argued convincingly that Cárdenas relied on the party to mobilize popular forces, while never incorporating either the PCM or Communist ideology into his project. Much less is known of Mexican Communism below the national level. Its social base, and its importance on the regional and local levels, remains largely unexplored outside of a few areas (Friedrich 1986: 128; Craig 1990; Carr 1987). Although the southeastern state of Yucatán boasted one of the PCM’s largest and most active regional organizations in the 1930s, and although Yucatán served as a crucial testing ground for Cárdenas’s reforms, the Yucatecan Left and its popular base has yet to be thoroughly examined.

scholarly journals Indonesia, Tiongkok dan Komunisme, 1949-1965

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Satriono Priyo Utomo
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Meeting Room ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
The People ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Relationship

During the leadership of President Sukarno, China had an important meaning not only for the people of Indonesia but also as a source of political concept from the perspective of Sukarno. In addition, China also had significance for the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a meeting room prior to communist ideology. The paper employs literary study method and discusses about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and China during the Guidance Democracy ( 1949-1965). The relationship between two countries at that time exhibited closeness between Sukarno and Mao Tse Tung. The political dynamics at that time brought the spirit of the New Emerging Forces. Both leaders relied on mass mobilization politics in which Mao used the Chinese Communist Party while Sukarno used the PKI.Keywords: Indonesia, China, diplomacy, politics, ideology, communism

Understanding the State in South Korea

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES COTTON
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Political System ◽  
World System ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Character ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1960S

South Korea cannot be seen as an example of the bureaucratic-authoritarian state type. Neither its position in the world system nor its industrialization strategy can be used to give a sufficient explanation of its political and social character. Although these factors have played a part, particular historical, political, and cultural circumstances have permitted the state to enjoy a degree of autonomy during the period of rapid social and economic transformation from the 1960s to the 1980s. The determinants and character of the transition to democratization generally support this analysis, but also indicate that limits exist to the degree of liberalization to be expected in the political system.

Class Struggle and Socialist Construction: The Hungarian Paradox

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. von Lazar
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the relationship between the semantics of ideology and political practice under the pressure of socio-economic change in Hungary of the early 1960s, especially 1962-63. The events of 1956 forced the Communist Party elite to recognize the imperative need for internal social change and for control over its dynamics. Manipulation of social forces and ideological currents became a day-to-day concern as soon as it was realized that the political system must rely to an increasing extent upon the introduction of policies which induced support for the system itself—a need undoubtedly arising out of the social transformation that accompanies a developing and modernizing industrial society.

scholarly journals Educational Lessons from Further Analysis of Ho Chi Minh and V.I Lenin Ideologies on Values of Socialism Economy and Building State Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 670-676
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Hang ◽  
Dinh Thi Hien ◽  
Dinh Tran Ngoc Huy ◽  
Leng Thi Lan ◽  
Ly Thi Hue
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
State Government ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Materialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Criterion ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Inductive Methods ◽  
Research Findings

This paper aims to present practical values of a socialism economy from ideologies of V.I Lenin and Ho Chi Minh, two talented leaders of the world. Authors mainly use qualitative analysis, consisting of synthesis and inductive methods and historical materialism methods. Research findings show us that from Ho Chi Minh views, People is the most important criterion to evaluate the effectiveness of the political system’s operating capacity. This is also a very humanistic goal of the Vietnamese political system. If the operation of the political system is ineffective, the bureaucracy, the contingent of cadres and civil servants, especially key cadres, are degenerated and degenerated, the political system will slip out of the orbit of the people. The owner of the people, to become a force opposed to the people.

A Critical Appraisal of the Children of Light and the Children of Darkness in the Debate of the Necessity of Democracy in Twenty-First-Century Mainland China

2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-297
Author(s):  
Shang-Jen Chen
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Critical Appraisal ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Affluent Society ◽  
Individual Ownership

The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness is Reinhold Niebuhr’s major treatise on democratic theory. A reassessment of the book with particular attention to Niebuhr’s theological analyses of human sinfulness, individual ownership, and toleration may help us to understand the political and economic situation in China. The Communist Party of mainland China (CPC) consistently upholds the exclusiveness of the Party’s leadership and a one-party political system. This article will explore whether it is plausible to construct a free, just, and affluent society without democracy, as the CPC proclaims.

Utopia’s Orphan

2018 ◽  
pp. 228-246
Author(s):  
Victoria Smolkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
History Of ◽  
Soviet Communism

This conclusion examines the demise of the Communist project, along with its vision to create an atheist society. Over the course of its history, Soviet atheism developed through direct engagement with religion. These engagements exposed atheism's contradictions, pointing to the deeper crisis within Soviet Communism. The conclusion first considers Mikhail Gorbachev's reintroduction of religion into Soviet public life, highlighted by his meeting with Patriarch Pimen (Izvekov) and the Synod of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church, before explaining why Soviet Communism never managed to overcome religion or produce an atheist society. It also discusses the political transformations of perestroika and cites the history of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow as an allegory for the fate of religion and atheism under Soviet Communism. Finally, it asks why the Soviet Communist Party orchestrated the divorce between Communism and atheism, and between the party's Communist ideology and political power.

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