scholarly journals Jurnalisme Islam-Profesional dalam Pusaran Politik Identitas: Studi Kasus pada Harian Duta Masyarakat & Harian Bangsa

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-392
Author(s):  
Dhimam Abror Djuraid

The 2019 presidential election was considered as an arena for identity-based-politics competition between abangan-moderate Islamic groups versus formal-conservative Islamic groups. The mass media which should be neutral and objective, are trapped in the political arena of identity politics, including Harian Duta Masyarakat and Harian Bangsa. This study reviews in-depth how Harian Duta Masyarakat and Harian Bangsa interpret professional journalism and Islamic journalism amid political support for the presidential election, 2019. With qualitative-descriptive methods, this study found that Harian Duta Masyarakat openly supported Prabowo Sandi, while the Harian Bangsa was a strong supporter of Joko Widodo-Makruf Amien. Both media justified that those decisions were made through professional and ideological reasons.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-250
Author(s):  
Ririn Risnawati

This study examines the Political News Analysis of the Sovereignty of the People's Sovereignty on Eradicating Corruption as the Independence of the Mass Media in Proclaiming the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government which focuses on 1 year of its administration (20 October 2014 October 20 2015). This research is based on two things, namely: first, how is the analysis of the political news regarding Corruption Eradication in the local mass media (Kedaulatan Rakyat) in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government; second, how the independence of the local mass media in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government in the area of ??corruption eradication. Media independence is seen from the method of Qualitative Approach with Critical Paradigm namely Critical Discourse Analysis; using Teun A. van Dijk's Model Analysis of text production involving aspects of cognition and social context.  The production of text in the political news regarding the Eradication of Corruption in Judging the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government presented by the Kedaulatan Rakyat SKH is a strong text structure. The Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper is able to provide detailed Semantic Structure and more coherent relationships between words / sentences. In addition, the Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper minimizes graphics and metaphor as rhetorical elements so as to be able to present more real and factual news. starting from text, social cognition and social context. The news on SKH Kedaulatan Rakyat is able to present the factual news objectivity in accordance with the truth and relevance. Not only that, the objectivity of the news about justice is able to be fulfilled by the People's Sovereignty SKH by presenting balanced news and explaining it more neutral without the support of the mass media. Keywords: Political News, Independence, Mass Media, Eradication of Corruption


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


2005 ◽  
pp. 65-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Naumovic

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems (in the case of some popular narratives on disunity), or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems (in the case of most political meta-narratives), the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


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