scholarly journals Christ as Comes Augusti: On the Question of Numismatic Iconography of Justinian II

Author(s):  
Mikhail Nikolaevich Butyrskii ◽  

This paper compares iconography of the “image of power” on Roman coins of Emperor Aurelian (minted in Serdica, minted in 274–275) and Byzantine pieces of Emperor Justinian II (Constantinople and several Western provincial mints, 705–711). Not synchronous coin types demonstrate the similarity of the idea and image, which affirmed the divine power over the earthly empire in the pagan and Christian periods of its existence. This was achieved due to the novelty of the iconographic language: the half-length images of Sol and Christ, both titled “dominus”, are placed on obverse, with their physiognomy close to the appearance of the ruling emperor showed as a portrait or standing figure on reverse. The iconography of sun deity Sol called the “Lord of the Roman Empire” on the coins of Aurelian anticipated the iconography of Christ as the Lord and “Rex regnantium” on the coins of Justinian II; the latter, in the version from 705–711, inherited pre-Christian tradition of paired images of emperor and his deity-patron on the Roman coins (third and fourth centuries), demonstrating a “personal union” of the ruler and the deity.

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 291-307
Author(s):  
Jason T. Larson

This article considers the intersection of Christian and imperial memory in the physical Gospel book. Besides describing the function of gospel books in the post-Constantine Roman Empire, it examines the connection between the Roman construction and production of sites of memory that established Roman imperium in the Mediterranean and the development of the Christian Gospel codex as a site of memory within Christianity. It also explores the related issues of imperial and divine power as manifest through material things, the rhetoric of seeing and iconicity, and the invented tradition of Christian orthodoxy. The article shows that the Christian Gospels and Roman sites of memory, despite a vast difference in their intended functions and original uses, both established imperium. It maintains that the creation of the Gospels' imperial iconicity was not based on their function as texts of spiritual enlightenment in late ancient Christianity, but on the fact that the production of Gospels as material cultural objects depended on Roman cultural exemplars and ideological rhetoric.


Author(s):  
Davit Lomitashvili ◽  
◽  
Nikoloz Murghulia ◽  
Besik Lordtkipanidze ◽  
Tamila Kapanadze ◽  
...  

Because of the complicated foreign policy in the fourth century (regular attacks of the Goths and Huns on Roman Empire, the rise of Persia and subordination of Kartli, Armenia and Albania), Rome was unable to exert proper control over its eastern provinces, including the eastern Black Sea coast and, accordingly, it was compelled to put up with the Lazis becoming more and more active in western Georgia [Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Apparently, the Lazis evaluated the existing situation properly and gradually made their neighboring tribes of the Apsils, Abazgs and Sanigs subordinate to them [Lomouri 2011:119-120]. Unification of the western Georgian tribes by the Lazis and formation of a strong kingdom was in the interests of the Roman Empire too. Scholars suggest that Rome encouraged this process, rather than hindering it, because presence of a strong kingdom in western Georgia which had control over various passes and fortified cities on the Black Sea coast would serve as a defensive barrier for eastern provinces of Rome from northern nomadic tribes [Melikishvili 1970:556-557; Lomouri 2011:120; Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Procopius of Caesarea puts special emphasis on this situation. According to him, “For the barbarians inhabiting the Caucasus Lazika is just an obstacle” [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:94]. Thus, from the third century, the Lazis gradually annexed the tribes residing in western Georgia and laid foundation for the kingdom of Lazika (Egrisi), whose borders approximately fell within the limits of western Georgia (Fig. 1). The king of Lazika had subordinated the neighboring tribes, but, on the other hand, formally it was a vassal of the Roman (Byzantine) emperor. According to Procopius of Caesarea, the Lazis “were Romans’ subordinate, but they did not pay any tribute or submit to them. The only thing they did was that when their king died, the Roman king would send an heir to the throne, or the symbol of power, to them. The latter would rigorously protect the borders of this country together with his subordinates so that the hostile Hunns would be unable to invade Roman lands from the Lazis’ bordering Caucasus Mountains passing through Lazika. They firmly protected them without getting any money or army from the Romans and did not go to war with the Romans either [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:72-73]. It is obvious that despite gaining factual independence, Romans still had considerable influence on western Georgia. It is not surprising - from the first century BC, after Pompey campaigned against Colchis and later (in the first-second cc AD) Rome deployed garrisons on the Black Sea coast, Rome gained a firm foothold in western Georgia. Analysis of archaeological material shows that this influence was not only political, but economic and cultural as well. For instance, the inland area of western Georgia yielded a large number of Roman coins of the first three centuries of the common era. Among them remarkable is a hoard of silver coins of the second-third centuries (907 items) discovered in Village Eki (Senaki Municipality) in 1971. It included a drachma of King Orod II of Parthia (57-38) and didrachmas and denarii minted in the names of Roman emperors Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, Antoninus Pius, Lucius Verus, Commodus, Pertinax, Niger, Septimius Severus and so on. 774 coins of the Eki hoard are struck in the mint of Caesarea, 131 – in the mints of Rome and those of the eastern provinces of Roman Empire, and the rest – in other provinces [G. Dundua, V. Tsirghvava 1971:42:45]. This and other contemporaneous discoveries prove that in the late Roman period Roman influence in western Georgia, especially in its western regions, was really strong.


Author(s):  
Brian Fagan

“Time we may comprehend,” wrote the English physician Sir Thomas Browne in 1643. “’Tis but five days older than ourselves.” Browne’s view of the past encompassed the Greeks and Romans and a humankind created by God in the Old Testament. Also in the seventeenth century, Archbishop James Ussher of Armagh in Ireland used the long genealogies in the Scriptures to calculate that the world had been created on the evening of October 22, 4004 B.C. Thus, according to Christian dogma, the entire span of human existence was a mere six thousand years. After the collapse of the Roman Empire, the study of the past fell into oblivion. Babylon reverted to desert; Petra slumbered in its secluded canyon. Ancient ruins of any kind were a curiosity, often thought to be the work of giants. With the Renaissance came a renewed interest in classical learning and in the remains of ancient civilizations. Thomas Browne and his English contemporaries were steeped in knowledge of ancient Greece and Rome. The Renaissance was an age of collectors and scholars, of acquisitive cardinals and nobles who flocked to Mediterranean lands and returned laden with antiquities for their private collections and for what were then known as “cabinets of curiosities.” Soon, a stream of young travelers followed in their footsteps to Italy, taking what became known as the “grand tour” as part of their education (see Chapter 3). Such often frivolous travelers became the first archaeological tourists, but not necessarily the most perceptive. By 1550, it was fashionable to be an antiquary, a collector or student of ancient things. But only the wealthiest traveler could afford a grand tour and could pay for classical treasures. The less affluent indulged their passion for the past at home, collecting Roman coins and inscriptions and, above all, traveling the countryside in pursuit of what the English schoolmaster William Camden (1551–1623) called “the backward-looking curiosity.” This open-ended inquisitiveness took Camden and his contemporaries to eroded burial mounds on windy uplands, to ancient fortifications in Denmark, and to the mysterious stone circles known as Stonehenge.


Antichthon ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 73-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna M. Silvas

Basil of Caesarea (AD 329–378), his brother, Gregory of Nyssa (335–394), and their friend, Gregory Nazianzen (328–389), are a group of three great Christian thinkers of the late 4th century AD known as the ‘Cappadocian Fathers’. All were steeped in the culture of traditional Hellenism, and at the same time were great theologians and leaders who steered the Christian church of the eastern Roman empire in the turbulent years of the late 4th century. Theologically they are best known for bringing to a close the Arian controversy that had wracked the Christian church for most of the 4th century. Basil, called ‘the Great’ in the Christian tradition for his leading role in steering the Arian controversy to a conclusion, is also known for his reforms of the unruly ascetic movement in Asia Minor, documented in such works as his Asketikon. As a result of his labours he effectively established Greek cenobitic (common-life) monasticism. But his influence as a preceptor of Christian monasticism was destined to spread far, both east in Syria and in the Latin West. A Latin translation was an important source of the Rule of St Benedict, which set the tone of western monasticism for many centuries to come.


Author(s):  
Vital Sidarovich

The article provides information on five new locations of Roman coins from the Hrodna region of the Republic of Belarus: three hoards, as well as two collective finds that can be interpreted as parts of hoards. All of them are represented by denarii of the Roman Empire. Only in one of the deposits – from the village of Bačancy – there is a hybrid barbarian imitation of the imperial denarius. Another of the hoards, found near the village of Varanki, contains, in addition to denarii, fragments of cut silver items, which dates to the beginning of the Migration Period, which makes it possible to determine the date of hiding of this complex in the 5th century. All these finds were made in the course of illegal searches and, unfortunately, only one hoard (Bačancy) almost entirely ended up in the museum collection. The rest of the deposits went to private collections, which hinders their detailed study. Along with new finds in the Hrodna region, there are from 9 to 13 hoards of antique coins. Most of them consist of denarii of the Roman Empire (sometimes along with barbarian imitations). Of the other deposits, the most interesting are the hoard of Roman Republican denarii from under the village of Luckaŭliany, a complex of bronze Alexandrian tetradrachms from under the village of Turec and a hoard (?) of perforated aurei from under the village of Ambileŭcy. Most of the hoards of Roman coins from the Hrodna region can be associated with the East Germans (Pszeworsk and Wielbark archaeological cultures), who penetrated into the Neman River basin inhabited by Baltic tribes in the first half of the 1st millennium AD. It is with the Germans that the vast majority of the hoards of Roman Imperial denarii found on the territory of Barbaricum are associated. It is also possible that some of the hoards could have been deposited by the Balts, which are under powerful East German influence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 275-303
Author(s):  
Moshe Blidstein
Keyword(s):  

Abstract:Vows, dedications and promissory oaths were an important category of language for people in the ancient Mediterranean. Using various formulae, people promised the gods (in the case of vows and dedications), or each other (in the case of oaths), that they would perform certain acts in the future, giving more than usual force to their words. The purpose of this article is to investigate the mechanics and hermeneutics of promises backed by divine power in the ancient Mediterranean.


Author(s):  
Anna Gannon

In much of the former western Roman Empire the use and minting of coins were continued on the established Roman pattern, albeit with innovations, initially, at least, as a legacy of the old administration. Important changes consisted in a shift from the Roman system of gold, silver, and base metal towards the sole use of gold during the fifth century and in adjusting the weights of the coins to fit in with their particular Germanic system. In Britain, however, the use of coinage seems to have lapsed for nearly two centuries. The withdrawal of the Roman army from Britain early in the fifth century meant not only that the Romano-British population had to fend for itself, but also the end of the taxation levied to support functionaries and legions and of the need for regular supplies of coins to meet these and other fiscal duties. The breakdown of Romano-British society and its infrastructure was fairly rapid but varied from area to area, as can be seen from the distribution of the finds of the last of the Roman coins to be issued to Britain. The insecurity of the period is reflected in the non-retrieval of buried treasure—precious artefacts, as well as money. Silver coins in particular, often clipped and pared, show the growing shortage of metal. Taking advantage of the uncertain political situation in Britain, tribes from the Continent—who came to be known as the Anglo-Saxons—established control over eastern Britain during the fifth century AD, extending south and west into most of modern England over the next two centuries. The situation in Britain seems to have been very different from that of other provinces of the Roman Empire, where it is appropriate to talk of the continuity of institutions rather than of the collapse of the Imperial organization. The Anglo-Saxons, though familiar with money from looting and tribute, initially had no need for coins or their orthodox uses. Coins were regarded as bullion or used as jewellery. Evidence from the graves of the fifth to the seventh centuries shows that Roman bronze coins were often pierced and used as decorative spangles on clothes or as pendants, possibly with apotropaic connotations.


1993 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Lennart Lind

Monetary measures undertaken inside the Roman Empire might be responsible for the composition of finds of Roman coins made ontside the Empire. A possible link between the composition of the denarius finds in Barbarian Europe, on the one hand, and the monetary reforms of Nero (54—68) and Septimius Severus (193—211), on the other hand, has long been recognised. There is however a third Roman monetary reform which has put its imprint on the denorius finds in Central, Eastern and Northern Europe, the one of Domitian (81—96).


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