scholarly journals Reproductive biology of Cabot's Terns on Cardos Island, Santa Catarina, Brazil

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélio Augusto Alves Fracasso ◽  
Joaquim Olinto Branco ◽  
Edison Barbieri

Cabot's Terns Thalasseus acuflavidus (Latham, 1737) are widely distributed along the Atlantic coast of South America from the Caribbean Islands (12º S) to the region of Porto Deseado, Argentina (46º S). Daily observations were conducted on the Cardos Island during 2003, 2005 and 2006 to determine timing and nesting success, and the reproductive biology of the Cabot's Terns nesting there. The first adults arrived at the colony from 22 April to 15 May during the three years recorded; a total of 144 nests were recorded in 2003, 174 in 2005 and 50 in 2006. Observed incubation time was 24.1 ± 0.35 days, and mean egg size was 5.15 ± 0.02 cm in length and 34.30 ± 0.25 g in weight. Hatching success was lowest in 2003 and highest in 2006, with natural causes (such as nest abandonment, flooding, inter and intra-specific fight) being the main cause of loss. The first eggs hatched in July in 2003, and in June in 2005 and 2006. Overall nesting success was lowest (4.00%) in 2006 and much higher (36.1% and 27.01%, respectively) in 2003 and 2005.

1993 ◽  
Vol 71 (6) ◽  
pp. 1146-1152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd W. Arnold

I determined hatching success for 328 dabbling duck (Anas spp.) eggs that were experimentally subjected to varying lengths of preincubation delay and then artificially incubated. Hatchability declined as unincubated eggs were exposed to longer preincubation delays. This effect was more pronounced at higher ambient temperatures and later in the nesting season, but did not vary with egg size or among duck species. These results are largely consistent with observed patterns of clutch-size variation among prairie-nesting waterfowl. Clutch size may be smaller later in the year and at lower latitudes owing to the negative effects of date and temperature on the ability of eggs to withstand preincubation delay. The timing of embryo mortality was bimodal, with peaks occurring during early development (<6 d) and just before hatching (>22 d); however, only early mortality was affected by preincubation delay. Eggs lost up to 2.6% of their initial mass as water vapor during preincubation delay, but the amount of water loss did not affect hatching success. Eggs subjected to preincubation delay required about 1 additional day to hatch. Incubation time was related to egg size in northern shovelers (Anas clypeata) and in all species combined, but not in blue-winged teal (Anas discors) or mallards (Anasplatyrhynchos). These data provide only weak support for the hypothesis that large eggs are costly because they take longer to hatch.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-53
Author(s):  
S. Blair Hedges ◽  
Robert Powell ◽  
Robert W. Henderson ◽  
Sarah Hanson ◽  
John C. Murphy

To facilitate biological study we define “Caribbean Islands” as a biogeographic region that includes the Antilles, the Bahamas, and islands bordering Central and South America separated from mainland areas by at least 20 meters of water depth. The advantages of this definition are that it captures nearly all islands with endemic species and with at least some Antillean-derived species, and still circumscribes a region of high biodiversity and biogeographic significance. We argue that Caribbean islands, in this expanded sense, are also cohesive from a conservation standpoint in that they share high human population densities and similar conservation threats. A disadvantage of this definition, strictly applied, is that it includes some islands (e.g., Trinidad) that have mostly mainland species. However, we propose that researchers can increase the stringency of the definition so that it is less inclusive, and make comparisons between different definitions as needed. We provide an updated checklist with standardized common English names for the 1,013 species of amphibians and reptiles occurring in the region, along with principles for constructing common names.


Itinerario ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard Blussé

In our Age of the Discovery of Space, many people still enjoy commemorating the Age of Global Exploration and Discovery. In 1992, the 500th anniversary of Columbus' epic voyage to the Caribbean islands off the American continent was celebrated in Spain and America, and in 1998 and 2000 Portugal also commemorated its Age of Descobrimentos in Africa, South America and Asia. Various campaigns are underway in China to celebrate in 2004 the 600th (!) anniversary of the great expeditions by Admiral Zheng Ho to South Asia and Africa. Most of these festivities, meant to foster international awareness in the current Age of Globalisation, have met with mixed reactions among the peoples who were ‘discovered’.


ZooKeys ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1015 ◽  
pp. 145-167
Author(s):  
Roberto Leonan M. Novaes ◽  
Vinícius C. Cláudio ◽  
Roxanne J. Larsen ◽  
Don E. Wilson ◽  
Marcelo Weksler ◽  
...  

Myotis nesopolus currently comprises two subspecies. The nominate subspecies (M. n. nesopolus) occurs on the Caribbean islands of Curaçao and Bonaire, Netherlands Antilles, whereas M. n. larensis is known from mainland South America in northeastern Colombia and northwestern Venezuela. Our Maximum Likelihood phylogenetic analyses of cytochrome-b gene sequences recovered M. nesopolus as a paraphyletic group, with M. n. nesopolus and M. n. larensis as non-sister lineages. The haplotype network indicates that these two subspecies do not share any haplotypes and are in different evolutionary trajectories. Additionally, these two subspecies can be distinguished on the basis of qualitative and quantitative morphological traits. This pattern supports the recognition of M. nesopolus and M. larensis as full species. Our results also reveal that the assemblage of Caribbean Myotis do not form a monophyletic group. Caribbean species are phylogenetically close to mainland species from northern South America and Central America, suggesting that colonization of Caribbean islands happened multiple times.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Fernandes ◽  
Kendra A. Sirak ◽  
Harald Ringbauer ◽  
Jakob Sedig ◽  
Nadin Rohland ◽  
...  

Humans settled the Caribbean ~6,000 years ago, with intensified agriculture and ceramic use marking a shift from the Archaic Age to the Ceramic Age ~2,500 years ago. To shed new light on the history of Caribbean people, we report genome-wide data from 184 individuals predating European contact from The Bahamas, Cuba, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Curaçao, and northwestern Venezuela. A largely homogeneous ceramic-using population most likely originating in northeastern South America and related to present-day Arawak-speaking groups moved throughout the Caribbean at least 1,800 years ago, spreading ancestry that is still detected in parts of the region today. These people eventually almost entirely replaced Archaic-related lineages in Hispaniola but not in northwestern Cuba, where unadmixed Archaic-related ancestry persisted into the last millennium. We document high mobility and inter-island connectivity throughout the Ceramic Age as reflected in relatives buried ~75 kilometers apart in Hispaniola and low genetic differentiation across many Caribbean islands, albeit with subtle population structure distinguishing the Bahamian islands we studied from the rest of the Caribbean and from each other, and long-term population continuity in southeastern coastal Hispaniola differentiating this region from the rest of the island. Ceramic-associated people avoided close kin unions despite limited mate pools reflecting low effective population sizes (2Ne=1000-2000) even at sites on the large Caribbean islands. While census population sizes can be an order of magnitude larger than effective population sizes, pan-Caribbean population size estimates of hundreds of thousands are likely too large. Transitions in pottery styles show no evidence of being driven by waves of migration of new people from mainland South America; instead, they more likely reflect the spread of ideas and people within an interconnected Caribbean world.


Zootaxa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2519 (1) ◽  
pp. 59 ◽  
Author(s):  
NAÉRCIO A. MENEZES ◽  
CLÁUDIO DE OLIVEIRA ◽  
MAURO NIRCHIO

The identification of the lebranche mullet in the western south Atlantic has long been problematical. In most recent works either Mugil liza Valenciennes and M. platanus Günther, 1880 or M. liza and M. cephalus Linnaeus, 1758 were recognized from the region and more rarely the occurrence of only one species has been proposed but without sufficient morphological, biochemical or molecular data to allow the designation of the taxonomically appropriate name. Analysis of meristic and morphometric data taken from samples collected from Venezuela to Argentina, clearly indicates that there is only one species of lebranche mullet in the Caribbean Sea region and the Atlantic coast of South America and that Mugil liza is the appropriate name. The comparison of the combined data from all the samples of M. liza with the data taken from one sample of M. cephalus that originated in the Mediterranean, the possible locality from which type specimens were collected (Eschmeyer and Fricke, 2009), revealed significant differences indicating that they are different species. It is also suggested that individuals from the western north Atlantic identified as M. cephalus might represent a population of M. liza in this region.


Check List ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 1108
Author(s):  
Darlan Tavares Feitosa ◽  
Matheus Godoy Pires ◽  
Ana Lúcia Da Costa Prudente ◽  
Nelson Jorge da Silva Jr.

Micrurus isozonus is a triadal coralsnake occurring in northern Venezuela, eastern Colombia, southern Guyana, and in the extreme northern Brazil. In this paper we firstly publish vouchers to Brazil, and report additional records from three localities in the mountainous region of Taião and Apiaú, state of Roraima. We also extend its known range to the Trans-Andean region in the Atlantic coast of northern South America, municipality of Cartagena at the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Additionally, we present meristic and morphometric data, including the species sintypes.


Author(s):  
William Beinart ◽  
Lotte Hughes

In the tropical zones of mainland America and the Caribbean islands, plantations became a key vehicle for imperial expansion—an early hothouse of intensive production which boosted Caribbean populations from 200,000 to two million over a couple of centuries. The indigenous population, as noted in the last chapter, had no place in this system and was largely destroyed or its remnants absorbed. But the labour requirements of the plantation system, its location, and the diseases it engendered also shaped a demography weighted against white settlers, especially in the Caribbean. At the northern limits of European intrusion, on the Atlantic coast, down the St Lawrence River, and on the shores of the Hudson Bay, the imperial frontier was extended more by trade than by agrarian settlement. In this chapter, we illustrate how the natural environment of this region, as well as economic and political forces, influenced the routes of intrusion and patterns of interaction. In contrast to the Caribbean, Native Americans had a major role in supplying imperial markets. Coastal settler society in the Americas, from Boston north, grew partly around the cod fisheries. The Grand Banks off the Canadian coast were a particularly rich source of cod and had been fished by the Spanish, Portuguese, and Basques since the sixteenth century or before. By the early seventeenth century, as many as 300 French and 150 British ships were recorded at one time on what became the Canadian coast. Cod fisheries were largely run by Europeans and based on European technology. They became the basis for an important export trade in dried and salted cod, bacalhau, to Europe and the Caribbean, where sources of protein were in short supply. On the sugar islands, especially, there were severe constraints on keeping livestock, and a lack of indigenous species to hunt. Dried cod, traded from North to Central America, to some degree filled this dietary gap; not only did it last well but it was also light to transport. Crosby has argued that North America was particularly porous with respect to the absorption of Eurasian animal and plant species and that these greatly facilitated settler colonialism.


Author(s):  
Randy M. Browne

The Guianas span some nine hundred miles of Atlantic coast in northern South America, from the Orinoco River in the west to the Amazon River delta in the east. The name, from an indigenous word meaning “land of many waters,” is fitting for a region dissected by thousands of rivers and where most people live along the coast. Far off the tourist paths of the Caribbean Sea and Latin America, the Guianas are also understudied, despite having been the scene of intense European imperial rivalries, colonialism, and slavery for several centuries. Though geographically part of South America, the Guiana colonies have historically and culturally been considered part of the circum-Caribbean. Today, the Guianas are made up of three major political territories: the independent Republic of Guyana (formerly British Guiana and composed of Berbice, Demerara, and Essequibo), the Republic of Suriname (a former Dutch colony first established by the English), and French Guiana or Guyane (once a colony and now an overseas department of France and part of the European Union). Home to numerous and diverse indigenous societies, including Arawakan-speaking groups who migrated to the Caribbean islands, the Guianas were “discovered” by Columbus in 1498 on his third voyage to the Americas, but they became the site of sustained European exploration and conquest only in the early 17th century. In the wake of Sir Walter Ralegh’s wildly exaggerated account of his 1594–1595 voyage, which advanced the myth of a city said to be ruled by a golden king named “El Dorado,” English, Dutch, and French explorers jockeyed for access to the vast region between Spanish claims in the west and Portuguese Brazil in the east. The Dutch were the most successful early colonizers, establishing trading posts and eventually colonies along the Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice Rivers. They also captured Suriname from the English. Much of the scholarship on the Guianas understandably concentrates on Dutch colonialism and especially on Suriname, where the Dutch established a major slave society by the early 18th century. There is also a growing body of scholarship on Berbice, Demerara, and Essequibo, both under Dutch rule and during the period when the colonies were controlled by Great Britain (1803–1966), when the slave system expanded rapidly until emancipation (1834) and where planters responded to the post-slavery labor crisis by importing large numbers of indentured laborers, primarily from India. The experience of indentured Asian laborers, who also immigrated to Suriname after slavery was abolished there, has also been the subject of much study, both by historians of the Indian diaspora and by Caribbean historians. Overall, scholarship on the Guianas is uneven and linguistically fractured, with a large number of works on the Dutch Guianas and especially Suriname, most of which are written in Dutch; a smaller but sizable body of work on British Guiana is in English, and relatively little scholarship has been done on French Guiana, almost of all of which is in French. The historiography of the Guianas thus reflects the region’s historical divisions along imperial and linguistic lines and the persistent effects of colonialism.


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