In 665, Peace Treaty between China and Japan opened the way for a civil war, Jinshin

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 291-324
Author(s):  
Young-kyo Seo ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Togral Koca

Turkey has followed an “open door” policy towards refugees from Syria since the March 2011 outbreak of the devastating civil war in Syria. This “liberal” policy has been accompanied by a “humanitarian discourse” regarding the admission and accommodation of the refugees. In such a context, it is widely claimed that Turkey has not adopted a securitization strategy in its dealings with the refugees. However, this article argues that the stated “open door” approach and its limitations have gone largely unexamined. The assertion is, here, refugees fleeing Syria have been integrated into a security framework embedding exclusionary, militarized and technologized border practices. Drawing on the critical border studies, the article deconstructs these practices and the way they are violating the principle of non-refoulement in particular and human rights of refugees in general. 


Author(s):  
Sergei V. Lyovin

The Civil War is one of the largest tragedies in the history of our country. One of its dramatic episodes is the rebel movement led by A.S. Antonov which took place in the Tambov gubenia in 1920–1921 and was brutally suppressed by the Bolsheviks. Its scope is evidenced by the fact that it went beyond the borders of the Tambov gubernia. Separate detachments of Antonovites from the autumn of 1920 to the summer of 1921 raided the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the neighboring Saratov gubernia. The paper attempts to consider the way the uyezd authorities fought the rebels and the way civilians treated them. On the basis of an analysis of the local archival material most of which has not yet been put into scientific circulation, periodicals and the local history literature the author comes to the following conclusion: every time the invasions of Antonov’s detachments into the territory of the Balashov uyezd were so rapid that the local authorities did not manage to organize a proper rebuff, and the peasants, for the most part, supported the rebels since they saw spokesmen and defenders of their interests in them. Only frequent requisitions of peasants’ property by Antonovites as well as the replacement of the surplus appropriation system (Prodrazvyorstka) by the tax in kind (Prodnalog) led to the fact that since the spring of 1921 the support of the rebels by the local population ceased.


2018 ◽  
pp. 57-77
Author(s):  
Stephen M. Rutherford

This chapter examines the medical challenges posed by the increased number of gunshot wounds during the civil wars, and sets out the changes in the way these wounds were treated. The treatment of battlefield wounds expounded in surgeons’ manuals, is placed in context with what we now understand about the biology, pathology and effective treatment methods for wounds. The techniques used by the civil-war surgeon are compared with those of later periods. Despite a lack of understanding of microbiology, physiology and, in many cases, anatomy, many methods employed by civil-war military surgeons reflect good contemporary surgical practice. Despite the lack of antibiotics, anaesthetics, hygienic environments and high-quality surgical implements, survival rates from injuries on the field arrear to have been considerable, if treated. In developing treatments for the problems posed by gunshot wounds, some civil-war surgeons used an evidence-based approach, and laid the foundations for much modern surgical practice.


2020 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Montse Feu

Fighting Fascist Spain connects some of the major figures of the Spanish Civil War exile with lesser-known actors, making their contributions more visible. While fascism ruled in Spain, España Libre’s authors cultivated a rich set of tools that interrogated the way fascist power operates. The underlying premise of this work is that the Confederadas’ antifascist solidarity was rooted in a cultural realm shaped by a complex web of political and cultural heritages that Spanish immigrants brought with them and were further reinforced by allies in the United States, which in turn built local and transnational antifascist communities. There are interlocking aspects that define España Libre’s cultural and political identity: its self-educated workers, its anarchist adaptability to exile, its transnational ties, its organized solidarity, and its transformative culture and humor.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines the decline of détente during the period 1977–1979. Détente suffered in part from being identified with Richard Nixon. After 1973, conservatives increasingly questioned détente, felt that the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I) benefited the Soviet Union most, and were disturbed by an apparent pattern of communist adventurism abroad, in the 1973 Middle East War, Angola, and South-East Asia. The chapter first considers détente and policy-making during the time of Jimmy Carter before discussing the conflict in the Middle East, in particular the Lebanon Civil War, and the Camp David summit of 1978 that resulted in an Egyptian–Israel peace treaty. It then analyses the Ogaden conflict of 1977–1978), the ‘normalization’ of Sino-American relations, and the Sino–Vietnamese War. It concludes with an assessment of the SALT II treaty.


1959 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. G. Pocock

The Civil War of 49 B.c. is one of the most important wars of European history, if only for the fact that it ended an old world order and paved the way for a new one which was to endure in Europe for nearly two thousand years. It is also one of the most dramatic wars of history, perhaps the most truly ‘tragic’, in the Greek sense of the word, of them all—so ‘tragic’ that it has never found a poet to do it justice, or to bring its leading characters fairly upon the stage. It was certainly the most unnecessary of wars. It involved the whole of Western civilization, and yet no really deep-seated emotions or animosities, racial, national, social, or even individual, caused the conflagration. It was, in fact, nothing but a trial of strength, with no constructive objective in view, between two men, highly educated, humane, related by marriage, not unfriendly to one another, members of the same society and the same clubs, as it were, whose interests, even, need not have been incompatible. It is generally agreed that the great majority of the senatorial aristocracy very definitely did not want the war; and it seems quite clear that the small minority, of some twenty-two, who did were powerless to commence it or wage it without the will and leadership of Pompeius. It is also agreed that Caesar, while prepared to fight for his skin and his dignitas, and to that extent responsible, did not want war and made sincere efforts both to avoid it and to stop it.


2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Don Gilbert

Thomas Habington of Hindlip (1560–1647), a Catholic gentleman, was the first historian of Worcestershire. Had it not been for the English Civil War, his Survey of Worcestershire would probably have been published in the 1640s. In fact it was not published until the 1890s, and then in a form and order which was very different from what he had intended. Others who worked on the history of the county (William Thomas, Bishop Charles Lyttelton, Peter Prattinton and, most importantly, T. R. Nash, whose ‘Collections’ for a history of the county appeared in 1781–2) did so on the basis of Habington’s unpublished manuscripts. In this article the genesis of the ‘Survey’ will be examined, the way in which his conception of its scope altered, his method of gathering materials, the additions he made to the work up to the time of his death in October 1647, and the relevance of his Catholicism to the Survey.


1964 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 284
Author(s):  
Max Loehr ◽  
Fritz van Briessen

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Blackburn

AbstractKarl Marx and Abraham Lincoln held very different views on the ‘social question’. This essay explores the way in which they converged in their estimation of slavery during the course of the Civil War; Marx was an ardent abolitionist, and Lincoln came to see this position as necessary. It is argued that the rôle of runaway slaves – called ‘contraband’ – and German-revolutionary ’48ers played a significant rôle in the radicalisation of Lincoln and the direction of the War.


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