scholarly journals Dialogues about the Rights of Nobility Assembly in the Context of the Electoral Conflicts in Russia of the First Quarter of the 19th Century

Author(s):  
D. V. Timofeev ◽  
◽  

The article presents the results of a research how, in the first quarter of the 19th century, nobility assemblies expressed their disagreement with the governor’s decision not to confirm the results of vote or to discharge the elected candidates for the positions of noble leaders, employees of local administration and court. Historical sources for the research are individual complaints and collective applications of nobility assemblies, reports of governors, and the orders of the Minister of Internal Affairs on the question of elections. Attention is paid to the language features of the texts and the arguments used by the representatives of nobility assemblies regarding their right to challenge the governor’s decisions, even if their position contradicted the operating legal norms. As a result, several interconnected rational and emotional arguments were revealed: the arguments of “honour”, “service” and “general opinion”. The author states that the electoral conflicts in Russia of the last third of the 18th and the first half of the 19th centuries, regardless of whether they were the conflicts of values or the conflicts of interests, were a factor of the emergence of elements of the public sphere and proto-institutes of civil society in Russia.

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 103-115
Author(s):  
Andrzej Pieczewski

The social class which was the spiritus movens of rapid economic transformation in the lands of the Kingdom of Poland in the nineteenth century was the bourgeoisie. In the public sphere, there is still a strong conviction among contemporary Poles about the moral defects of capitalists, for whom, according to the prevailing stereotypes, only profit was important. The author of this article, to contradict this claim, gives an example of the life and actions of Jan Gottlieb Bloch (1836–1902). The aim of the article is to present the broad economic, social and scientific activity of Bloch as a member of the bourgeoisie of the Kingdom of Poland. The author also points to the need for further research on the work of Jan Bloch, especially in the field of his economic and irenological writing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
A. S. Bodrova ◽  
◽  

The review article systematizes the principle achievements in the studies of the literary societies and associations in the Russian and foreign historiography of the 1990–2010s, and analyzes approaches to this material within the framework of various disciplines and methodologies. The author suggests an institutional approach as the basis for the development of a conceptual and fact-fortified language for describing the literary societies in Russia in the fi rst half of the 19th century. An institutional approach provides an opportunity to link the history of the literary associations with the broader socio-historical context and to describe the role played by the literary societies in the formation of the «public sphere» and civil society in the 19th-century Russia


Author(s):  
Oliver Kühschelm ◽  
Gertrude Langer-Ostrawsky

Theatre in the Countryside. The Middle Classes and the Public Sphere between the Provinces and the Metropolis. The Archduchy of Austria below the Enns is particularly suited to tracing the development of a provincial theatrical landscape and investigating its relation to the metropolis, since in the crownland’s centre lay Vienna, one of the largest cities in the world around 1900. The article therefore ex- amines the formation of a bourgeois cultural sphere in those parts of Lower Austria that were then known as the “flat countryside” and which roughly correspond to today’s federal state. During the 19th century, there emerged a theatrical landscape whose principal features proved to be long-lasting and which nevertheless remained a precarious phenomenon. This also applies if we discuss theatre as an expression of the bourgeois public sphere – in both its sense as a theatre business sustained by the middle classes and as the promise to enable participation by a broad public beyond the boundaries of classes and estates.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Béla Mester

The aim of our paper is to offer an analysis of the phenomenon of the national philosophy of the 19th century. We will analyse this concept as a consequence of the emergence of the public sphere of the city in the function of the cultural capital of a national culture and the centre of the press. Our instance is the development of the philosophical public sphere of the double cities on the opposite banks of the Danube, Buda and Pest (today Budapest). This public sphere was organised in native language by the newly established organisations of the literature, humanities and sciences, such as different societies of writers, with a distinguished role of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS, since 1825). By our hypothesis, it is not an accident phenomenon that the topic of the national philosophy has emerged within the framework of this new public sphere. Expressed more clearly, the concept of the national philosophy depends on a special grade of the development of the public sphere of the centre of the national press – at least in the Hungarian case. Santrauka Straipsnio tikslas – pateikti XIX a. nacionalinės filosofijos fenomeno analizę. Šis konceptas čia analizuojamas kaip viešosios miesto sferos iškilimo rezultatas, neatsiejamas nuo nacionalinės kultūros ir spaudos centro kultūrinio kapitalo. Tiriama dvejopų miestų filosofinės viešosios sferos raida kaip priešprieša Danubės, Budos ir Pešto (šiandien Budapešto) bankams. Ši viešoji sfera buvo organizuojama gimtą ja kalba naujai įsteigtų literatūros, humanitarinų ir kitų mokslų organizacijų, tokių kaip skirtingos rašytojų bendruomenės, ypatingą vaidmenį atliekant Vengrijos mokslų akademijai (nuo 1825 m.). Pagal čia pateikiamą hipotezę neatsitiktinai nacionalinės filosofijos tema iškilo naujoje viešojoje sferoje. Tiksliau tariant, nacionalinės filosofijos konceptas priklauso nuo atitinkamai besiplėtojančios nacionalinės spaudos centro viešosios sferos – bent jau Vengrijos atveju.


2021 ◽  
pp. 96-118
Author(s):  
Stuart Banner

This chapter discusses an important change in lawyers’ understanding of the relationship between the spheres of law and religion during the 19th century. In the early Republic these spheres substantially overlapped. Natural law was understood to have been created by God. Christianity was considered to be part of the common law. Americans may not have become any less religious in the 19th century, but they increasingly came to think of religion as part of one’s private, personal life, separate from the public sphere of law. As law and religion separated, the notion that natural law should play a role in the legal system came to seem more and more anomalous.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 348-359
Author(s):  
Ashley Terlouw

Summary It is not sufficient to take a purely formal approach to the question whether laws are just, as Witteveen does in his ten nomoi. Laws should not only meet procedural norms, but should also adhere to material and moral standards. Religion is one of the sources for morality, including our conception of justice. What are the consequences of this for the place of religion in the public sphere? What relation exists between religious and legal norms? The Dutch interpretation of the relation between state and religion is relatively flexible. Despite the constitutional separation of church and state, there is room for religion in the public sphere. Furthermore, the state can under special circumstances intervene in the private, religious sphere. But due to this flexibility, new questions arise to which the law does not provide answers. The present contribution addresses a particular issue that has been the subject of litigation: is it appropriate for civil servants to wear religious symbols, such as a headscarf, turban or yarmukle? The author argues that in these cases it is insufficient to appeal to the neutrality of the state. Neutrality is not an external feature, but it is the state of mind with which civil servants perform their functions.


Author(s):  
Pablo A. Piccato

Free speech was a greater concern for Mexican politicians, legislators, and intellectuals during the 19th century than electoral democracy. This can be easily verified by looking at the large number of laws, decrees, trials, appeals, and polemics provoked by contradictory efforts to guarantee the right to express reasonable opinions, formulated since the 1812 Cádiz Constitution, and the concern to limit that freedom for the preservation of stability, morality, religion, and honor. Mexican public men spent considerably more energy reading and arguing about written words than counting votes. Yet the historiography of Mexican liberalism has, for the most part, stressed the history of frustrated attempts to expand representation and thus consolidate sovereignty. This article looks at the public sphere as a space for but also of contention. Politics, as was understood by most political agents of the time, took place in that virtual space, and a good part of political conflict revolved around the right to speak on behalf of public opinion. The broader arc to be described here starts with the contentious and romantic decades since the 1857 Constitution consecrated free speech and press juries and moves through the taming of the press using legal reforms and politically motivated prosecutions under Porfirio Díaz, to the consolidation of a new order in which a diverse and prosperous press struck an understanding with the post revolutionary regime to constrain the possibilities of political debate, around 1930.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. 483
Author(s):  
Stefan Bratosin

This article examines “the material becoming-forces of symbolic forms” mobilized by the Adventist beliefs in the public sphere of the United States of America during the 19th century. Particularly, the article focuses on the “transformation” of the prophetic letter’s secret of the Bible into “communicative action”, which is both civil and religious. The article aims to test the strengths and the weaknesses of Adventism’s symbolic function in the paradigmatic myth of the State, on the assumption that, in the creation of spiritual meaning in the present world, Adventism is an external referent to social transformation. Theoretical and exploratory in nature, this article also seeks to broaden the understanding of an atypical religion—“without particular religion”—through the old and the new media theory and research program of mediatization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 1325-1328
Author(s):  
Galina S. Belyaeva ◽  
Victoria V. Kutko ◽  
Vera P. Kutina ◽  
Vladislav Yu. Turanin ◽  
Neonila A. Turanina

Purpose: In this article, some questions legal restrictions, their nature and features of legal confirmation on the international level were considered. Methodology: The main international acts confirming the general conditions, ways, purposes, tasks and the legal restrictions establishment bases were analyzed. Result: The role of international legal norms as the main reference points for restriction confirmation in the national legislation was defined. Following the results of the conducted research, the conclusion was drawn on the role of the law as the main form of restriction confirmation in the public sphere. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers and education students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of legal restrictions: the nature and features of legal confirmation at the international level are presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172
Author(s):  
Emre Eren Korkmaz

Bu makalede göç çalışmaları ve demokrasi teorilerine katkıyı amaçlayan bir teorik çerçeve sunulacaktır. Demokrasi teorilerinin/siyaset teorisinin önemli kavramlarından olan kamusal alan ile göç çalışmalarında göçmen ağlarının önemini gündemine alan ulusötesi alanın birlikte değerlendirmesi her iki teorik yaklaşımı da güçlendirecek bir imkan sunmaktadır. Bunun bir yönü göçmen toplu-luklarının ulusötesi alanının özelliklerinin ve gündemlerinin kamusal alanı etkilemesi ve her iki alan arasında sürekli bir etkileşimin olmasıdır. İkinci yönü ise ulusötesi alanın bazı özelliklerinin kamusal alan niteliği göstermesi ve belirli açılardan ulusötesi alanın bir kamusal alan hüviyetinde açığa çıkmasıdır, bu açıdan iki kamusal alanın çakıştığı bir mekandaki ilişkiler değerlendirilmektedir. Bu teorik çerçeve Almanya’daki Türkiyeli göçmenlerin misafir işçilikten kalıcılığa geçişine dair tarihsel perspektif üzerinden temellendirilecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHPublic Space and Migration: An Examination of the Transnational Space of Immigrants from Turkey in GermanyLarge number of migrants, who have been employed in various industries for decades, who pay taxes, are consumers and carry out their obligations are however unable to fully participate in the political process because of limitations and requirements of citizenship policies. In some cases they are even barred from having a say in local administration. Representation and participation processes are however not limited to voting or being represented in the central or local administration. For instance, many Turkey-origin immigrants in Germany who are unable to vote in municipal elections can be elected as worker representatives and distinguish themselves as outstanding political figures, as they speak on behalf of all workers. This article elaborates transnational social spaces of immigrants as a unique form of public sphere and demonstrate the similarities between the birth of the public sphere and formation of the transnational social space focusing on the experiences of Turkey-origin migrant workers in Germany.


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