Representation of the “Women’s Question” in Official Siberian Periodicals of the Second Half of the 19th – Early 20th Centuries

2021 ◽  
pp. 122-126
Author(s):  
Maria S. Velmakina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Gender Stereotypes ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Social Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Female Education ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
The Public ◽  
Official Position ◽  
Official Section

The aim of the article is to identify and characterize the public opinion on the “women’s question” in Siberian official periodicals of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The term “women’s question” represents a complex of issues, such as education, labor and professional life, individual freedom, family relations and political rights. The primary sources are the publications of Siberian state-run and eparchy periodicals that reflected the state’s and the Russian Orthodox Church’s official position on this question and at the same time formed the public opinion. In 1857, Gubernskie Vedomosti began to be issued almost simultaneously in four principal centers of Siberian provinces: Tobolsk, Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk, and Irkutsk. The official section included regulations, orders, directives of the central and local authorities as well as official announcements. The non-official section included articles on regional topics such as the economy and statistics of the region, ethnographic information, accounts and reports of scientific expeditions. Among other materials, some articles considering “women’s question” aspects were published. A similar structure was used in Eparkhial’nye Vedomosti, the Russian Orthodox Church’s official periodical issued since 1860. Eparkhial’nye Vedomosti started to be issued in Siberia at different times: in 1863 in Irkutsk (Irkutskie), in 1871 in Omsk (till 1898 they were called Akmolinskie), in 1880 in Tomsk (Tomskie), in 1882 in Tobolsk (Tobolskie), and finally in 1884 Eniseyskie. Not only the official periodicals presented the state’s and society’s position on female education (the key aspect of the “women’s question”), but also the Russian Orthodox Church, no less important an institution in the public opinion. The article deals with collective judgments on the “women’s question” communicated through newspaper texts. The main topics of the “question” are identified and characterized: 1) the state of the female education system, 2) the statement of the need for female education, and 3) episodes of the biographies of women who have already changed their social role. Having considered the depiction of the “women’s question” in Siberian official periodicals, the author draws a conclusion that, from the point of view of both the state-run press and the Russian Orthodox Church’s periodicals, the main aspect of that issue was the female education problem, which was the basis for women’s integration into social life. The press formed the opinion on female education development as an important sociocultural phenomenon in the province and a significant fact of Siberian social life. The official state-run and eparchial press predetermined the changes in gender stereotypes in social consciousness.

THE PROBLEM OF CORRUPTION IN STATE CIVIL SERVICE AS PERCEIVED BY THE PUBLIC (THE CASE OF A REGIONAL STUDY)

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Е. Matveeva ◽  
◽  
S. Gladkikh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
The State ◽  
Regional Study ◽  
The Public ◽  
Official Position ◽  
Federal Research ◽  
The Subject

The subject matter of the article is the study of public attitudes in Kemerovo Region-Kuzbass in relation to the problem of corruption which manifests itself in various areas of social relations, in particular, in the system of the state civil service. The aim of the study is to consider the current views on the problem of corruption and countering it in public assessments of the population of Kemerovo Region-Kuzbass. To solve this task statistical and monitoring data from federal research centres have been used, as well as the results of a regional sociological survey conducted by the authors in the municipal divisions of Kemerovo Region-Kuzbass. The methodological basis of the research has been formed by the systemic and neoinstitutional approaches along with the sociological survey. The article presents statistical data of federal sociological institutions (All-Russian Centre for the Study of Public Opinion, Public Opinion Foundation) for the past few years in assessing the problem of corruption by the population. In addition, Transparency International’s 2020 data on the level of perceptions of corruption in the Russian Federation are presented, which make it possible to draw attention to the problems in combating corruption and propose recommendations for improving the state anti-corruption policy. In designing the research questionnaire for their sociological survey, the authors adhere to the principle of problem-based assessment of the current situation regarding the issue of corruption, which has made it possible to evaluate the subject of the research from different angles and to focus on the most challenging issues. It is noted that the understanding of the term “corruption” in the civil service system is associated with the concept of “bribery”, the appropriation of resources and taking advantage of official position. Among the recommendations proposed, the authors would highlight the necessity to continue activities to strengthen measures of countering corruption, to make the work of officials more transparent, to enhance the information campaign among the population to provide information on the responsibility for illegal actions

Evidence of Partisan Agenda Fragmentation in the American Public, 1959–2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-781
Author(s):  
Mike Gruszczynski
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Carrying Capacity ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
The State ◽  
Large Set ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Public ◽  
Long Time ◽  
And Shifts

Abstract  This research examines the extent to which partisan agenda fragmentation is occurring within the American public. Though numerous scholars of public opinion and political communication have warned of the deleterious effects of agenda fragmentation, to this point such fragmentation has been demonstrated only across a small number of issues over short periods of time. This research is the first to utilize both a large set of issues and a long time frame to assess the state of partisan agendas from 1959 to 2015 through the use of individual-level Gallup’s “Most Important Problem” polls. Findings show that the public agenda has fragmented on a large number of issues, in terms of both the level of and shifts in attention that partisans accord to issues of the day. Additionally, this research highlights the importance of recent increases in agenda diversity and carrying capacity to fragmentation, demonstrating that while the presence of large, obtrusive issues tends to be associated with correspondence in partisan agendas, the ordering of partisan issue agendas has decoupled substantially in recent decades.

The Atomic Theory of Society

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 628-637
Author(s):  
William Orton
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Change ◽  
Old Age ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
The State ◽  
General Interest ◽  
Atomic Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
House Of Lords

In few affairs is political wisdom so put to the test as in the treatment of institutions that are growing old. Age in these cases has little to do with mere antiquity: the forms of social life are subject to no set term of years. It is a matter of continuing adaptability. Some institutions, like the British monarchy, possess this attribute in an astounding degree. Others, like the House of Lords, betray a hardening of the arteries that bodes ill for their survival in times of rapid change. For the speed of social change affects not only their physical and conceptual environment; it acts also upon, and through, the temper of the politicians and the public. In such periods society will sometimes administer a sudden coup de grâce to its more recalcitrant institutions, abolishing at one stroke both the abuses they have inflicted and the garnered wisdom they enshrine. The loss involved in these moments is seldom evident until long after, when it has to be made good ab ovo.To such moods the Gallic genius is peculiarly liable; and it was in one of them that the French crashed open the gates of the nineteenth century and nailed the atomic theory of society to the lintel. “There are no longer any guilds in the state, but only the private interest of each individual and the general interest. No one may arouse in the citizens any intermediate interest, or separate them from the public weal by corporate sentiment.”

scholarly journals Peculiarities of Implementing the State’s Strategic Narrative based on the Public Opinion

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 48-59
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Voitko ◽  
◽  
Volodymyr Loza ◽  
Hennadii Khudov ◽  
Valentyn Bakhvalov ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Scientific Method ◽  
The State ◽  
Strategic Communications ◽  
The Public ◽  
Statistical Series ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Psychological Influence ◽  
Point Forecast

The main purpose of the article is the peculiarities of implementing of the state’s strategic narrative based on the the statistical analysis of the public opinion. The scenarios of the public opinion development are forecasted. The main results are: the graphs of the statistical series of change in public opinion have been constructed; the approximating functions for the trend of change in public opinion have been determined; the parameters of the approximating function have been calculated; a point forecast of the change in public opinion has been made. The main scientific method ia the method of statistical extrapolation. The main results are: to identify the features of the implementation of the strategic narrative of the state system in strategic communications; it is obtained the necessary minimum value of efficiency. This value of efficienct should be achieved by the system of strategic communications, when taking appropriate measures to promote and support of the appropriate course of the state by the population. This result is actually such as in the controlled territory and in the temporarily occupied territories (Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the Crimea). Keywords—strategic narrative, target audience, informational and psychological influence, strategic communications

scholarly journals Public opinion as an institute of direct democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-19
Author(s):  
N.I. Rodzinskyi ◽  
D.S. Savchenko ◽  
M.H. Khaustova
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
State Of Power ◽  
Positive Factor ◽  
Effective Contribution

The article is devoted to the problematic form and pressure of the public opinion. Basic attention is the theoretical aspects of understanding of public opinion as the legal and social phenomenon, as exactly due to a presence or absence of foregoing institute of civil society it is possible to talk about the state and level of democratization of society, taking into account active introduction of processes that provide access and participation of citizens in life of the state. A self concept «public opinion» though has the generalized interpretation and interpretation in a modern kind, however during all way of forming tested quite a bit transformations and modifications. The presence of different conceptions to understanding of the phenomenon of public opinion is first of all explained variety of looks to influence of actors on the origin of public opinion. Scientists in the doctrine of sociology and legal sciences examine public opinion as phenomenon of mass consciousness that has elemental character, a social institute, a social regulator, that brings in the effective contribution to the decisions of question, that touch activity of the state. For today three basic going was formed near understanding of public opinion as social and legal phenomenon – morally-normative that was based on public publicity and openness, approach, that was based not on subject composition, but on thematic, denying here influence of mass character on the process of forming of public opinion and approach demoscopy is fixed in basis of that – research the key aspect of that is realization of analysis of public opinion on the basis of quantitative data. The classic going near understanding of public opinion from the point of view of her nature is conception of V. Lipman, in basis of that influence of environment of existence of individual is fixed on the process of forming of public opinion. In this theory attention is accented on that a human is clearly limited to in informative space the capacity for perception of information, and that is why can not grasp her fully, however this factor plays role of positive factor of forming of public opinion, as it gives an opportunity more deep knowledge in certain industry, creating more organized public opinion that does not limit opinion of every individual here. As well as on any institute of direct democracy on public opinion certain functions – expressive, consultative, directive functions. Due to realization of foregoing functions public opinion there is cooperating of public with organs by the state of power, that it is counted on formation of original symbiosis, the aim of that is creation of positive terms for life of citizens, increase of level of democratization in society, to improve quality and efficiency of realization of the functions fixed on them power within the framework of legislation.

POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN INDEPENDENT LATVIA

Via Latgalica ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Vladislavs Malahovskis
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The State ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Church

The aim of the paper is to reflect the political activities of the Roman Catholic Church in two periods of the history of Latvia and the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia – in the period of First Independence of the Republic of Latvia, basically in the 1920s, and in the period following the restoration of Latvia’s independence. With the foundation of the independent state of Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church experienced several changes; - bishops of the Roman Catholic Church were elected from among the people; - the Riga diocese was restored the administrative borders of which were coordinated with the borders of the state of Latvia; - priests of the Roman Catholic Church were acting also in political parties and in the Latvian Parliament. For the Church leadership, active involvement of clergymen in politics was, on the one hand, a risky undertaking (Francis Trasuns’ experience), but, on the other hand, a necessary undertaking, since in this way the Roman Catholic Church attempted to exercise control over politicians and also affect the voters in the elections for the Saeima. The status of the Church in the State of Latvia was legally secured by the concordat signed in the spring of 1922 which provided for a range of privileges to the Roman Catholic Church: - other Christian denominations in Latvia are functioning in accordance with the regulations elaborated by the State Control and confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior, but the Roman Catholic Church is functioning according to the canons set by the Vatican; - releasing the priests from military service, introduction of the Chaplaincy Institution; - releasing the churches, seminary facilities, bishops’ apartments from taxes; - a license for the activity of Roman Catholic orders; - the demand to deliver over one of the church buildings belonging to Riga Evangelical Lutherans to the Roman Catholics. With the regaining of Latvia’s independence, the Roman Catholic Church of Latvia again took a considerable place in the formation of the public opinion and also in politics. However, unlike the parliamentarian period of the independent Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church prohibited the priests to involve directly in politics and considered it unadvisable to use the word “Christian” in the titles of political parties. Nowadays, the participation of the Roman Catholic Church in politics is indirect. The Church is able to influence the public opinion, and actually it does. The Roman Catholic Church does not attempt to grasp power, but to a certain extent it can, at least partly, influence the authorities so that they count with the interests of Catholic believers. Increase of popularity of the Roman Catholic Church in the world facilitated also the increase of the role of the Roma Catholic Church in Latvia. The visit of the Pope in Latvia in 1993 was a great event not only for the Catholic believers but also for the whole state of Latvia. In the autumn of 2002, in Rome, a concordat was signed between the Republic of Latvia and the Vatikan which is to be classified not only as an agreement between the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia and the state of Latvia but also as an international agreement. Since the main foreign policy aim of Latvia is integration in the European Union and strengthening its positions on the international arena, Vatican as a powerful political force was and still is a sound guarantee and support in international relations.

In Search of the Greek State: A Rejoinder to M.H. Hansen

2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 107-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Berent
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Recent Article ◽  
The State ◽  
Doctoral Thesis ◽  
The Public ◽  
Stateless Society

In a collection of articles based on my Cambridge doctoral thesis (1994) I have argued that, contrary to what has been traditionally assumed, the Greek polis was not a State but rather what anthropologists call ‘a stateless society’. The latter is characterized by the absence of ‘government’, that is, an agency which has separated itself out from the rest of social life and which monopolizes the use of violence. In a recent article Mogens Herman Hansen discusses and rejects my notion of the stateless polis. This paper is a rejoinder to Hansen’s criticism and offers critical analysis of the concept of ‘The Greek State’ which has been employed by Hansen and by other ancient historians. Among the questions discussed: To what extent did the polis have amonopoly on violence? To what extent do the relations between the polis and its territory resemble those of (tribal) stateless communities? Could the State/Society distinction be applied to the Greek polis? How is the Greek distinction between the private and the public different from its modern counterpart and how is this difference related to the statelessness of the Greek polis?

scholarly journals Strikes and Strike-Breaking in North-East England, 1815–44: The Attitude of The Local Press

1977 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-240
Author(s):  
Maurice Milne
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Song ◽  
The Public ◽  
North East ◽  
Public Expression ◽  
Advantageous Position ◽  
Significant Factors

The effectiveness of the strike weapon in early-nineteenth-century England depended in some measure upon the response of public opinion. Obviously the state of trade and the relative cohesion and determination of masters and men were more significant factors, but the attitude of non-participants could not be discounted. The readiness of civil and military authorities to intervene, the reaction of the general public to requests for contributions to relief funds, the willingness of politicians to contemplate changes in the laws concerning combination: all these were influenced by the state of public opinion. It would be an oversimplification to regard “public opinion” and “newspaper opinion” as synonymous. The platform, the pulpit, the placard and the popular song were other means of public expression, not that they necessarily provided a complete or reliable guide to the public mind. Nevertheless the newspaper, particularly in the nineteenth century, was in an advantageous position to influence the response of the public to current controversies.

‘Gender education’ in the post-Soviet Belarus: Between authoritarian power, neoliberal ideology, and democratic institutions

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatsiana Shchurko
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Education System ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Official Position ◽  
Gender Education ◽  
Neoliberal Ideology ◽  
Soviet Legacy

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Belarus began to develop a national system of education trying to balance the prioritization of Soviet legacy, strong state control, and processes of democratization. The system of education is a powerful translator of dominant ideologies and legitimate concepts, including the concepts of gender and sexuality. The Belarusian education system is an important component of the state machinery, meaning that changes in the education system are often interconnected with certain changes in public policy, and therefore reflect the official position related to various aspects of social life. In the article, I explore the application of gender education in Belarus, as well as the configuration of discourses that inform the concept of gender education in a specific local context. I analyze discourses of state legislation on education and textbooks on gender education. I argue that gender education was co-opted by the state to serve the interests of national security to legitimize one model of social relations and exclude others in favor of the interests of biopolitical governance, nation-building, and neoliberal ideology.

scholarly journals Cure for Empire: The ‘Conquer-Russia-Pill’, Pharmaceutical Manufacturers, and the Making of Patriotic Japanese, 1904–45

2013 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoi-eun Kim
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Pharmaceutical Products ◽  
Consumer Response ◽  
The State ◽  
Pharmaceutical Companies ◽  
Top Down ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pharmaceutical Manufacturers ◽  
The Matrix

AbstractSeirogan, a popular anti-diarrhoeal pill, is arguably one of the most successful pharmaceutical products of modern Japan. What is less known is that the Japanese army initially developedSeiroganduring the Russo-Japanese War as the ‘Conquer-Russia-Pill’, which was later marketed to the public by private manufacturers. Previous scholars have emphasised the top–down governmental method of mobilising private sectors to manipulate public opinion for the cause of external imperialist expansion and domestic stability during wartime Japan. But the matrix that the Conquer-Russia-Pill allows us to glimpse is an inverted power relation among the state, commercial sectors, and imperial citizens. While the Japanese government remained indifferent if not hostile to jingoistic pharmaceutical manufacturers who could easily disrupt international relations, pharmaceutical companies quickly recognised and exploited the opportunities that the Conquer-Russia-Pill and its symbolism provided under the banner of the empire. In turn, Japanese consumers reacted to commercial sermons carefully anchored in patriotic and militaristic discourses and images by opening their wallets. In other words, the popularity of the Conquer-Russia-Pill was a culmination of the convergence of a governmental initiative to enhance military capabilities, the commercial ingenuity of pharmaceutical manufacturers, and a consumer response to patriotic exhortations.

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