In Search of the Greek State: A Rejoinder to M.H. Hansen

2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 107-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Berent

In a collection of articles based on my Cambridge doctoral thesis (1994) I have argued that, contrary to what has been traditionally assumed, the Greek polis was not a State but rather what anthropologists call ‘a stateless society’. The latter is characterized by the absence of ‘government’, that is, an agency which has separated itself out from the rest of social life and which monopolizes the use of violence. In a recent article Mogens Herman Hansen discusses and rejects my notion of the stateless polis. This paper is a rejoinder to Hansen’s criticism and offers critical analysis of the concept of ‘The Greek State’ which has been employed by Hansen and by other ancient historians. Among the questions discussed: To what extent did the polis have amonopoly on violence? To what extent do the relations between the polis and its territory resemble those of (tribal) stateless communities? Could the State/Society distinction be applied to the Greek polis? How is the Greek distinction between the private and the public different from its modern counterpart and how is this difference related to the statelessness of the Greek polis?

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 628-637
Author(s):  
William Orton

In few affairs is political wisdom so put to the test as in the treatment of institutions that are growing old. Age in these cases has little to do with mere antiquity: the forms of social life are subject to no set term of years. It is a matter of continuing adaptability. Some institutions, like the British monarchy, possess this attribute in an astounding degree. Others, like the House of Lords, betray a hardening of the arteries that bodes ill for their survival in times of rapid change. For the speed of social change affects not only their physical and conceptual environment; it acts also upon, and through, the temper of the politicians and the public. In such periods society will sometimes administer a sudden coup de grâce to its more recalcitrant institutions, abolishing at one stroke both the abuses they have inflicted and the garnered wisdom they enshrine. The loss involved in these moments is seldom evident until long after, when it has to be made good ab ovo.To such moods the Gallic genius is peculiarly liable; and it was in one of them that the French crashed open the gates of the nineteenth century and nailed the atomic theory of society to the lintel. “There are no longer any guilds in the state, but only the private interest of each individual and the general interest. No one may arouse in the citizens any intermediate interest, or separate them from the public weal by corporate sentiment.”


Author(s):  
Bora Ataman ◽  
Barış Çoban ◽  
Özlem Erkmen

In the neoliberal media autocracy of Turkey, mass media are propaganda tools rather than the public watchdogs. The coup attempt in 2016 gave the government additional power to institutionalise this regime. Critical journalists have become the enemies of the state and suffered from threats from various sources. This attack on critical journalism is increasing alongside the deepening of the democracy crises, positioning journalists as victims. This study argues that bridging the fields of journalism safety and victimology would benefit journalists. Therefore, a critical analysis of reports on journalism safety, opponent journalists' social media posts, and related news was performed in order to discuss the possibility and advantages of bridging this gap to help journalists deal with victimisation. The findings demonstrate the acceptance of journalists as a new subject for victims' rights might activate new mechanisms of protection for them. This means searching for new rights can contribute to their physical, mental, and moral recovery.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
Wahyu Simon Tampubolon

The Indonesian National Police is directly responsible under the President. The police carry out police duties throughout Indonesia. The police are one of the foremost persons of society, the role of the police at this time is as a guardian of security and order as well as law enforcement officers in society related to criminal law, the police are able to carry out their duties professionally, where their birth originates from the community, according to their needs and desires they. This is done in order to create a situation and conditions that are safe, orderly, serene, and peaceful in social life, which then develops in accordance with developments and changes in state conditions. The National Police, which started from the public side, is now on the side of the state, which has a role to face and control the community itself. Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia, the duties, authorities and rights of the police, in which Article 2 the function of the National Police is to maintain security and public order (kamtibmas).In accordance with the philosophical foundation of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia is Pancasila which is the basis of our country, especially the fourth principle "Democracy led by Wisdom in Deliberation / Representation". The fourth precept of this Pancasila, requires that the resolution of disputes, conflicts or cases be carried out through deliberation to reach a consensus which is embraced by a family spirit. This means that any dispute, conflict or case that needs to be built through negotiation or peace procedures between the disputing parties to reach a mutual agreement. Initially court mediation tended to be facultative or voluntary (voluntary), but now it leads to imperative or future (mandatory).Keywords: Bhabinkamtibmas, Society, disturbance, dispute resolution


2021 ◽  
pp. 2057150X2110273
Author(s):  
Alin Li

This article discusses the meaning of public space and the problem of public reconstruction by means of sociological intervention through an experimental study of community formation and courtyard space rearrangement in the old neighborhood of Dashilar in Beijing. In the West, scholars regard public space as part of public life with political or social significance. In the courtyards of Dashilar, however, residents understand public space as important as a shared property of neighboring families that is separate from public life, as they are often acquainted with but alienated from one another. To grasp this different understanding of public space, this article first looks into the historical transformation of property rights in Dashilar. The courtyards in Dashilar have clearly been defined as state-owned urban space since the 1980s but have remained neglected in administration. Therefore, residents gradually encroached upon these courtyards that were owned by the state and divided them for private use. As this act of encroaching was rooted in the relationship between the state and the individual, the courtyards were not merely changed into privatized properties with specific functions, but became places for interactions between various actors. To reveal the complexity of these courtyards as public spaces, we discuss the expansion of private space by individuals in their daily life and the “public disturbances” initiated by temporary coalitions in space construction. This complexity of courtyards as public spaces can be well illustrated by two experiments of space rearrangement conducted in Dashilar. Both experiments introduced strong social interventions into space rearrangement: one attempted to rebuild social life in a courtyard, and the other worked on the public and private boundaries in a courtyard. The former experiment ended in failure while the latter was a success. The results of these two experiments tell us that public reconstruction is not just about rebuilding social interactions between people, but also about adjusting the state–individual relationship and establishing the rules of living together in public space.


Management ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-85
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Murovana

Introduction. One of the main directions of Ukraine in international cooperation is the Euro integration process. The main purpose of which is the implementation of national legislation to European standards, with further adaptation and modification in accordance with international rules and regulations.Scientific research hypothesis. Any integration processes are quite complex and time-consuming, but they are necessary to improve the performance of the field in which they take place. Ukraine's European integration is aimed at ensuring the development of the spheres of political, legal, economic and social life of the country, including public procurement system in Ukraine.The purpose of the study is to analyze the impact of integration processes on the current regulatory framework of the public procurement system in Ukraine.Research methods. General and special methods, such as systematic analysis and generalization, were used to determine the state of disclosure of the research problem. The method of comparisons, analogies and systematization was used for the analysis of regulatory documents regulating the sphere of public procurement.Results. On the basis of the author's study of the current state of legal support of the public procurement system in the context of European integration of Ukraine, a gradual distribution of the evolution of national legislation in the field of public procurement to international standards was presented, with its further reformation into the field of public procurement. The basic functions of the institutional structure of the public procurement system are considered and the valid legal acts of the procurement process are summarized.Conclusions. The analysis of the process of reforming the system of "public procurement" in the field of "public procurement" is characterized by a rethinking of the spending units of public funds with the need to approximate national legislation to international standards. For this purpose, a number of normative legal acts have been adopted by the state authorities aimed at accelerating the process of European integration of Ukraine, but some of them require further research and adjustments in order to adapt to national legislation.


1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-398
Author(s):  
Roger Trigg ◽  
Ronald Fletcher ◽  
Pat Carlen ◽  
John Solomos ◽  
Joseph Melling ◽  
...  

1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Mcguire ◽  
Robert Ohsfeldt

In a recent article, Susan Feigenbaum and Ronald Teeples (1983) highlight an important omission in the public-versus-private, production-efficiency literature. They note the possibility that differences in product quality might explain apparent differences in efficiency. They, however, fail at the more fundamental task of accurately measuring differences in economic costs in their study of public and private water utilities. More generally, Feigenbaum and Teeples's methodology is not well suited for an analysis of the relative efficiency issue.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCY BOND

This paper contends that 9/11 remains subject to a crisis in criticism, resulting from the failure of certain strains within American studies to sufficiently separate their modes of critique from the ideological means of 9/11's manipulation. An overreliance upon themes of trauma, and a failure to observe the means by which these discourses have been compromised by their mobilization in political rhetoric, has led to the development of an interpretative void unable to produce a much-needed counternarrative. Whilst the explicit politicization of 11 September has been widely criticized, far less remarked upon is the extent to which the tropes in which 9/11 is represented have been standardized across popular, political, critical and artistic narratives. Failure to challenge the basic terms of this movement has engendered a compromised interpretative field, in which frames of reference slip too easily between the public and the personal, simultaneously militarizing mourning and sentimentalizing politics. This compromises counterhegemonic narratives, neutering the force of their thrust by presenting them as echoing, and even reinforcing, the discourses of the public–political realm. I will contend that this crisis of representation has arisen, at least in part, from the ubiquity of traumatic narratives, which have been transferred across discursive realms, disguising crucial authorial and critical differences, and seeming to validate the perspective of the state by testifying to an apparent unity of interpretation and response.


Author(s):  
Maria S. Velmakina ◽  

The aim of the article is to identify and characterize the public opinion on the “women’s question” in Siberian official periodicals of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The term “women’s question” represents a complex of issues, such as education, labor and professional life, individual freedom, family relations and political rights. The primary sources are the publications of Siberian state-run and eparchy periodicals that reflected the state’s and the Russian Orthodox Church’s official position on this question and at the same time formed the public opinion. In 1857, Gubernskie Vedomosti began to be issued almost simultaneously in four principal centers of Siberian provinces: Tobolsk, Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk, and Irkutsk. The official section included regulations, orders, directives of the central and local authorities as well as official announcements. The non-official section included articles on regional topics such as the economy and statistics of the region, ethnographic information, accounts and reports of scientific expeditions. Among other materials, some articles considering “women’s question” aspects were published. A similar structure was used in Eparkhial’nye Vedomosti, the Russian Orthodox Church’s official periodical issued since 1860. Eparkhial’nye Vedomosti started to be issued in Siberia at different times: in 1863 in Irkutsk (Irkutskie), in 1871 in Omsk (till 1898 they were called Akmolinskie), in 1880 in Tomsk (Tomskie), in 1882 in Tobolsk (Tobolskie), and finally in 1884 Eniseyskie. Not only the official periodicals presented the state’s and society’s position on female education (the key aspect of the “women’s question”), but also the Russian Orthodox Church, no less important an institution in the public opinion. The article deals with collective judgments on the “women’s question” communicated through newspaper texts. The main topics of the “question” are identified and characterized: 1) the state of the female education system, 2) the statement of the need for female education, and 3) episodes of the biographies of women who have already changed their social role. Having considered the depiction of the “women’s question” in Siberian official periodicals, the author draws a conclusion that, from the point of view of both the state-run press and the Russian Orthodox Church’s periodicals, the main aspect of that issue was the female education problem, which was the basis for women’s integration into social life. The press formed the opinion on female education development as an important sociocultural phenomenon in the province and a significant fact of Siberian social life. The official state-run and eparchial press predetermined the changes in gender stereotypes in social consciousness.


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