scholarly journals Minority Inclusion in Central and Eastern Europe

Intersections ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsuzsa Csergő ◽  
Ognen Vangelov ◽  
Balázs Vizi
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Eu

The question of how governments deal with ethnic diversity is fundamental to the future of peace and democracy in Europe.  The way this question is articulated and addressed has changed significantly, as European governments and social actors respond to problems of regional security, domestic political contestation, and economic well-being.  After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the collaborative efforts of European organizations – primarily the Council of Europe (CoE), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union (EU) – provided a historic opportunity for the development of common European standards about minority inclusion across the whole spectrum of political and economic rights and opportunities available to state majorities.  Europeanization – which involved the deepening of transnational institutional structures in member states, the enlargement of the EU to include an increasing number of countries from the former Soviet bloc, and the diffusion of European norms and practices in the EU and its neighbourhood – had a profound impact on the evolution of state-minority relations across the continent.  Although Europeanization reaches all aspects of life in EU member and aspiring member states, the governance of ethnic diversity has evolved in diverse directions across the continent, rather than gradually converging toward common standards.

scholarly journals ACHIEVEMENTS OF LITHUANIAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT DURING THE INTEGRATION PROCESS INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION

2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genovaitė Liobikienė ◽  
Justina Mandravickaitė
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Price Level ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Patterns ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Eu

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania rapidly started turning towards European trade patterns averting from those of the former communist regime. However, European integration has had an effect not only on convergence of gross domestic product (GDP) but also on convergence of prices as well as on alteration of living standards. The goals of Lithuanian integration to the EU were noted in the National Lithuanian Sustainable Development Strategy. The key objective of sustainable development in Lithuania was to achieve the present developmental level of the EU countries according to indicators of economic and social development. Therefore, the paper compares the convergence across the old and newer member-states of the EU in terms of GDP, household final consumption expenditure and comparative price level indices. In addition, it is revealed that Lithuanian expenditure patterns rapidly approach those of the old member-states of the EU. Consequently, Lithuanian integration to the EU contributes to approaching the EU-15 level what means the successful achievements of Sustainable Development Strategy as well. So, the aim of this paper is to show how successful are Lithuanian sustainable development achievements in terms of GDP, comparative price level and household expenditure within framework of integration to the EU.

scholarly journals The European Union (EU) Defence Collaboration and the Libyan Crisis: Implications on EU’s Interventionism

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Nare Hilary ◽  
Hamauswa Shakespear
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Primary Data Analysis ◽  
Analyse Data ◽  
Lack Of Commitment ◽  
The Eu

This study analyses the controversy and decidedly mixed views surrounding the EU defence collaboration in the 21stCentury. It investigates on the 21st Century challenges faced by the EU in its defence collaboration and itsimplications on interventionism. The EU defence collaboration was initially developed by historically fractiousWestern European states in the late 1940s as a response to growing threats posed by the Soviet Union. The EUdefence collaboration through-out the 90s showed some commendable level of unity which has since taken aparadigm shift in the 21st Century. Thus, the EU defence collaboration is deteriorating and needs to be revitalizedbefore the situation goes out of hand. Primary data analysis was used to solicit relevant data and thematic analysiswas used to analyse data obtained. The findings showed that, there is lack of unity of purpose among member statesin carrying out their defence mandates, lack of commitment by member states to meet their financial obligationsrequisite for effective and efficient defence collaboration and lack of trust among member states as the majorlimitations to the effective defence collaboration as member states are skeptical of each other’s intentions. Hence,after a critical analysis of the data analysed, this research proposes that the EU should adopt sterner measures toensure that member states meets their financial obligations and that the EU should be consistent in its policies inorder to fulfil its mandates and obligations.

scholarly journals Balancing Between Solidarity and Responsibility: Estonia in the EU Refugee Crisis

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viljar Veebel
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Level ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Refugee Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Security Risks ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
The Eu

Abstract After the establishment of the Schengen area, it was expected that its members would develop a common policy on external border management and protecting external borders. As the current refugee crisis has revealed, some countries have not met their obligations, which has led to serious difficulties in other member states. An unusually large number of refugees are passing through the EU with the purpose of going to countries that attract refugees with better economic and social conditions. Nevertheless, in the present case the criticism at the European Union level has been targeted towards the Eastern European countries for not eagerly enough accepting the proposed refugee strategy and quotas. Estonia’s opposition to the EU-wide permanent relocation system of refugees has its roots in the conservative line that the country has followed in the national refugee policy for more than twenty years. However in 2016 the positions among the Estonian governmental coalition differ significantly in terms of long term refugee strategy. The current article will focus on the arguments why Estonia has opted for the conservative refugee policy so far and whether it has been in accordance with the country’s capabilities and resources. The development of Estonian refugee policy will be analysed, from regaining independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 to the present day. The article will also focus on security risks that might occur due to the pressure from the EU on the member states to impose decisions that do not have broad support at the national level.

Kosovo and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spyros Economides
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Eu

The European Union’s involvement with and in Kosovo is of three main types. First, it participated in war diplomacy in the late 1990s in an attempt to find a peaceful solution to the Kosovo conflict between Kosovar Albanians and the Serb forces of the former Yugoslavia. This demonstrated of the Union’s limited ability to influence less powerful actors in its backyard through its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This resulted from the difficulty the EU found in attempting to forge a consensus among its member states on a significant matter of regional security with humanitarian implications, the limitations in effectiveness of the EU’s civilian instruments of foreign policy, and the low credibility and influence stemming from the lack of an EU military capability. Second, the EU took a leading role in economic reconstruction and state-building in Kosovo following the end of the conflict. Initially, this was in tandem with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Subsequently, the EU became the lead organization, focusing its efforts not only on the physical and economic reconstruction of the territory but also on building human and administrative capacity and democratic institutions and establishing good governance and the rule of law, especially through its EULEX mission. Third, the EU attempted to help transform Kosovo beyond democratization toward EU integration through instruments such as the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). A significant part of this process has also been linked with EU-led mediation attempts at resolving outstanding issues between Kosovo and Serbia through a process of normalization of relations without which EU accession cannot be envisaged. Throughout the post-war phases of the EU’s involvement in Kosovo, its efforts have been undermined by the most important outstanding issue, the disputed status of Kosovo. Kosovo was set on the path to increasing self-government and autonomy at the end of the conflict in 1999, but it was still legally part of sovereign Yugoslavia. In 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence. While over 100 states recognized Kosovo, it never acquired enough recognitions to be eligible for UN membership: Serbia does not recognize it and, most importantly, neither do five EU member states. This status issue has seriously complicated the EU–Kosovo relationship in all its aspects and slowed down the prospect of “Euro-Atlantic integration” for Kosovo.

The Baltic States in the European Union

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanel Kerikmäe ◽  
Archil Chochia ◽  
Max Atallah
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Digital Development ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Eu

Integration with the European Union has been far less distressing for the three Baltic States than for numerous other accessing countries owing to their strong societal impetus to (re)join Western political, economic, and legal culture after they regained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the accession of these states—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—had several distinctive features related to constitutional background and settings, which heavily influenced problem solving between government and the EU institutions. In general, the controversial issues regarding how to solve the problems with supranational power have never been dramatic with regard to the Baltic States, which leads to the assumption that often the governments have taken rather compliant positions. The latest cases, such as the European Stabilization Mechanism, indicate the change in paradigm: the three Baltic States are more aware of the margin of appreciation and actual borderlines between policy making- and decision making. Today, in setting up an EU-related agenda, more skills than previously are needed in finding allies and choosing partners. The road the Baltic States took in joining the EU was a difficult one, nor has their role in the EU been easy. Should a small state with a big initiative be allowed to mentor other member states regarding that initiative, meaning in particular Estonia and its digital development? Another peculiar aspect of the Baltic States is their (inter)relationship with Russia. Considering themselves a bridge between East and West, the Baltics have been active in Eastern Partnership and Development Aid initiatives and have also spoken out strongly against intervention in Georgia and Ukraine. This position sometimes complicates any EU attempt to achieve consensus on foreign policy.

scholarly journals EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Rıdvan Karluk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
External Relations ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The Eu

After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.

European union and the georgian-abkhaz conflict

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-40
Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Krivcov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Black Sea Coast ◽  
The Right ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes ◽  
The Eu

Tensions between various ethnic groups living in Abkhazia, on the Black Sea coast, escalated into violent conflict in 1992-1993. At the heart of the conflict, which broke out along with a number of other conflicts after the collapse of the Soviet Union, lies the contradiction between the principles of territorial integrity and the right of nations to self-determination. This tension was centered around competing historical claims of Georgians and Abkhazians on the territory of Abkhazia. Abkhaz demands for greater autonomy increased when the Soviet Union collapsed. Nationalism spread, tension grew, and in 1992 a 13-month war began. This article assesses how the warring parties perceive the process of Europeanization of their region, as well as the role of the European Union in the conflict around Abkhazia and its possible outcome in the future. It is noted that the efforts made by the EU to facilitate the settlement of disputes on the Georgian-Abkhaz issue are long-standing and multifaceted. However, there is a dissonance between the EU’s strong interest in resolving these conflicts, its strong commitment and its long-standing involvement in promoting such a settlement, and its actual, ineffective contribution to this goal.

1. The establishment and development of the European Union

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
External Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the history of the establishment and development of the European Union (EU). It discusses the underlying motives for its founding, which include the desire for peace, security against the rising threat from the Soviet Union, and economic development. It describes the changing relationship of the UK with the EU, particularly in view of the Brexit decision, and suggests that the origins of the Union can be traced from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC). This chapter also explains the roles and obligations of the EU in managing the external relations of its members, particularly in international trade.

scholarly journals The 2019 ‘Fitness Check’ of State Aid Modernisation Reform of 2012—An Opportunity to Redefine and Reintroduce Sustainability into the EU/EEA State Aid Rules? The Example of the Transport Sector

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 6328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cyndecka
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
State Aid ◽  
Transport Sector ◽  
Market Regulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Objective ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Eu

This article intends to launch a discussion on the possibilities of introducing more sustainability into the rules on granting State aid. State aid law constitutes a crucial part of the internal market regulation. In principle, granting public support to companies is prohibited in the European Union (EU) as such state intervention distorts competition. In some cases, however, aid may be allowed if it pursues a legitimate public policy objective such as research, regional development, transport or environmental protection. In 2017, the EU Member States spent EUR 116.2 billion, i.e., 0.76% of GDP, on State aid at the EU level. While aid to the environment and energy saving promotes sustainability, the question is whether other types of aid also do so. This article provides a brief explanation of the rationale behind State aid control, explains how ‘good aid’ may be approved by the European Commission or EFTA Surveillance Authority (ESA) before it is granted by the Member States and proposes taking a closer look at the current guidelines for granting aid in the transport sector. This sector has a serious impact on the environment and human well-being, while it is heavily subsidised by the state.

scholarly journals The Role of Reunified Germany in Poland’s Accession to NATO and the European Union

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Józef Fiszer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Eu

The study is devoted to Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Union (EU) and describes Germany’s stance on Poland’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations after 1989, which, despite various assessments, was not explicit and enthusiastic. However, it evolved gradually and was determined by a difficult internal situation after the reunification of Germany and its new geopolitics and geoeconomics. For Germany that reunified on 3 October 1990, an issue of greater importance than Polish accession to NATO and the EU was the presence of Soviet troops on the territory of the former GDR and normalization of relations with neighbors, particularly with France, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Both France and the United Kingdom, as well as the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent, the United States initially were afraid of a reunified Germany and opposed Polish membership in Euro-Atlantic structures. At the time, hopes and fears were rife about the future of Europe. A common question was being asked in Paris, London, Moscow, Washington, and Warsaw – would reunified Germany remain a European state, or would Europe become German? Should Germany stay in NATO or leave after the reunification? There were questions also about Moscow’s policy towards reunified Germany and its position on Poland’s accession to Euro-Atlantic structures. Unfortunately, for a long time, it was negative. Today, thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, we can see that the black scenarios that were outlined in 1989-1990 did not actually come true. Despite the fears, those events opened the way for Poland to “return to Europe” and to gain membership in Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the European Union (EU). The path was not at all simple and it was not easy for Poland to make it through. In the study the author analyses subjective and objective difficulties related to Poland's accession to NATO and the EU and describes the evolution and role of Germany in this process.

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