scholarly journals REVISITING NATIONAL SECURITY DISCOURSE IN TURKEY WITH A VIEW TO PACIFICATION: FROM MILITARY POWER TO POLICE POWER ONTO ORCHESTRATION OF LABOUR POWER

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Gülden Özcan
Refuge ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Doyle

Defined in terms of a national security discourse, Britain’s asylum policy facilitates a disturbing dissociation of the asylum seeker from the identity of the refugee. The roots of this discourse can, this paper argues, be understood if the asylum seeker is seen as the site of a clash between two conceptualizations of political space—one that sees only the international state system, marked by the rights of sovereign states and exclusive political spaces, and one that sees a more complicated global political structure, marked by spaces of danger and of opportunity, in which human beings, as such, have a right to demand hospitality and inclusion from the state. Aiming to understand this clash, and the possibilities for moving beyond it, this paper analyzes British asylum policy through the lens of Michel Foucault’s account of sovereign biopower in Society Must Be Defended, read together with Giorgio Agamben’s work on the homo sacer and spaces of exception. These texts point towards the counter-narrative of the asylum seeker who refuses to disappear into discourses of national secur­ity, and who suggests a “rival structure” of political space. Understanding this clash requires uncovering the violence, discernible in British asylum policy, which sustains the international state system and in doing so, creates and marginalizes the asylum seeker. This paper draws out the deeply challenging and complex nature of the “problem of asylum,” working against the simplification that a national security discourse imposes on the issue.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 369-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Selchow

While it is Ulrich Beck’s concept of ‘risk society’ that has mostly attracted attention in the field of security studies, in this article I argue that if we want to take Beck seriously, we need to go beyond his ‘risk society’ thesis and acknowledge that his main thesis was that we live in a social reality that is qualitatively new and, consequently, calls for a radical shift in how we look at and talk about it. To bring Beck into security studies, then, means to study ‘security’ from within Beck’s ‘new world’. For that, I argue, a sharper conception of what characterizes that world is needed. At the heart of my article I provide such a conception – the ‘cosmopolitized world’ – which I identify as being shaped by non-linearity and the interplay of two moments: the ‘cosmopolitized reality’ and the ‘tradition of the national perspective’. Building on this concept and experimenting with it, I turn to reading the ‘US national security’ discourse as this is constructed in the text of the 2015 National Security Strategy from within this ‘cosmopolitized world’. Reflecting on this experiment, I conclude by highlighting the potential that bringing Beck in this way into security studies holds, as well as pointing to the need for future work on the vocabulary of the ‘cosmopolitized world’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019, 21/4 (Volume 2019/issue 21/4) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
BLAŽ TOMŠIČ

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, carried out with an amazing speed and coordination of various soft and hard instruments of national power, while simultaneously using the power of protests by the local pro-Russian population, is undoubtedly one of the better examples of hybrid warfare. The brutality and simultaneous surgical precision of the operation have made it feel as if each of the instruments of national power had played its precisely defined role, which had its basis in the national security and defence documents, such as the national security strategy and military doctrine. This is a proof of the adaptation of the Russia’s military and political strategic framework to the new global challenges of the modern world. The formerly rigid Russia using the primarily brutal military power typical of the Soviet regime, has in this case proved to be a dynamic and highly flexible force, capable of using various instruments of national power, coupled with an appropriate support of a considerably altered, but extremely effective military power instrument. In doing so, it actually shocked the Western professional and political public and opened a wide debate in professional circles, which had previously not attributed the ability of such activities to Russia. Hybrid warfare has become a constant feature of discussions in the military and political circles of the West, focusing primarily on finding solutions to effectively counter the new threat presented in Crimea by the Russian side. Key words Hybrid warfare, national strategy, military doctrine, Crimea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Valerii L. Makarov ◽  
◽  
Al’bert R. Bakhtizin ◽  
Nikolai I. Il’in ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the world experience of assessing national strength, which is the most informative and popular indicator characterizing the combined national security potential of a particular country, allowing to compare the level of its military power and socio-economic development with other countries. Modeling and evaluating the national strength indicator is extremely important for adjusting strategic documents related to the long-term development of a country, as well as to its foreign policy. In many countries, the national security indicator is assessed by narrow circle of experts or through averaged survey results from a wider range of respondents. The disadvantage of this approach lies in subjectivity, and eventually, in an unreliable estimate. The authors provide a scientifically based methodology for modeling and assessing national power. In forming the components of the national strength integral indicator, key target indicators are used, which are established in the strategic planning documents of Russia. It should be also noted that they contain indicators that are not used by foreign researchers (for example, indicators related to the territory, population, industrial production, energy resources and many others). Results of calculating the integral indicators of national strength, obtained through convolution using factor analysis of group indices, show that at the moment Russia is a world leader (at the level of 3-4 places among 193 countries — members of the UN).


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm N. MacDonald ◽  
Duncan Hunter ◽  
John P. O'Regan

This paper analyses a corpus of UK policy documents which sets out national security policy as an exemplar of the contemporary discourse of counter-terrorism in Europe, the USA and worldwide. A corpus of 148 documents (c. 2.8 million words) was assembled to reflect the security discourse produced by the UK government before and after the 7/7 attacks on the London Transport system. To enable a chronological comparison, the two sub-corpora were defined: one relating to a discourse of citizenship and community cohesion (2001–2006); and one relating to the ‘Preventing Violent Extremism’ discourse (2007–2011). Wordsmith Tools (Scott 2008) was used to investigate keywords and patterns of collocation. The results present themes emerging from a comparative analysis of the 100 strongest keywords in each sub-corpus; as well as a qualitative analysis of related patterns of the collocation, focusing in particular on features of connotation and semantic prosody.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This chapter explores the role of “power politics”—the domain of national security interests and the procurement and use of military power—in the decline of mass atrocities in East Asia. It suggests that power politics made an important, but not the singularly most important, contribution. The chapter has three parts. First, it explores how conventional power politics contributed to the decline of mass atrocities in East Asia. Although not central to the overall story, once they were established, the balance of power and both conventional and nuclear deterrence played a role in limiting the further escalation of potential conflicts. Second, it examines the limits of power politics. Third, it points to specific security practices that were more consequential, including the development of omnidirectional security relations, a tendency to avoid destabilizing competition, de-polarization, and the enmeshing of great powers in the region’s norms


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