World War Flu: War Rhetoric of The Australian Prime Minister on Coronavirus

This article deals with Lord Moyne's policy towards the Zionists. It refutes the claim that Lord Moyne was anti-Zionist in his political orientation and in his activities and shows that his positions did not differ from those of other British senior officials at the time. His attitude toward Jewish immigration to Palestine and toward the establishment of a Jewish Brigade during the Second World War was indeed negative. This was not due to anti-Zionist policy, however, but to British strategy that supported the White Paper of 1939 and moved closer to the Arabs during the War. While serving in the British Cabinet, Lord Moyne displayed apolitically pragmatic approach and remained loyal to Prime Minister Churchill. He therefore supported the establishment of a Jewish Brigade and the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine in the secret committee that Churchill set up in 1944. Unaware of his new positions, the Zionists assassinated him in November 1944. The murder of Lord Moyne affected Churchill, leading him to reject the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.

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When the Bombs Fell

Strange Bird ◽

10.12987/yale/9780300215687.003.0021 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Michele K. Troy

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Air Force ◽

Prime Minister ◽

World War ◽

Royal Air Force ◽

Joint Chiefs Of Staff ◽

Winston Churchill ◽

Strategic Bombing ◽

German Capital ◽

Franklin Roosevelt

This chapter examines how the Allied bombings of Germany affected the lives of people in the Albatross-Tauchnitz fold, particularly Max Christian Wegner and Walter Gey. To celebrate the tenth anniversary of Adolf Hitler's reign, the Nazi elite gathered with thousands of party loyalists on January 30, 1943 for an evening of rousing speeches at the Berlin Sportpalast. The Allies commemorated Hitler's tenth anniversary by sending Royal Air Force Mosquito light bombers on a daylight air raid on the German capital. For Prime Minister Winston Churchill, President Franklin Roosevelt, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, this attack marked the beginning of the “strategic bombing” campaign they had agreed upon at the Casablanca Conference days earlier. This chapter considers Wegner's arrest and imprisonment at the height of World War II as well as Gey's efforts to make the best of the Albatross Press's ever-shrinking terrain.

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Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War

Balcanica ◽

10.2298/balc1748191b ◽

2017 ◽

pp. 191-217

Author(s):

Dragan Bakic

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

First World War ◽

Political Crisis ◽

Political Factor ◽

World War ◽

Chief Of Staff ◽

The First World War ◽

Commander In Chief ◽

First World

This paper analyses the role played by Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in Serbia?s politics and military effort during the First World War. He assumed the position of an heir-apparent somewhat suddenly in 1909, and then regency, after a political crisis that made his father King Peter I transfer his royal powers to Prince Alexander just days before the outbreak of the war. At the age of twenty-six, Alexander was going to lead his people and army through unprecedented horrors. The young Regent proved to be a proper soldier, who suffered personally, along with his troops, the agonising retreat through Albania in late 1915 and early 1916, and spared no effort to ensure the supplies for the exhausted rank and file of the army. He also proved to be a ruler of great personal ambitions and lack of regard for constitutional boundaries of his position. Alexander tried to be not just a formal commander-in-chief of his army, but also to take over operational command; he would eventually manage to appoint officers to his liking to the positions of the Chief of Staff and Army Minister. He also wanted to remove Nikola Pasic from premiership and facilitate the formation of a cabinet amenable to his wishes, but he did not proceed with this, as the Entente Powers supported the Prime Minister. Instead, Alexander joined forces with Pasic to eliminate the Black Hand organization, a group of officers hostile both to him and the Prime Minister, in the well-known show trial in Salonika in 1917. The victories of the Serbian army in 1918 at the Salonika front led to the liberation of Serbia and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), while Alexander emerged as the most powerful political factor in the new state.

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‘If you strike a King you must kill him’: Sir Archibald Salvidge and the Revolt of Liverpool’s Conservative MPs, 1927-1928

Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire ◽

10.3828/transactions.169.7 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 169 (1) ◽

pp. 87-106

Author(s):

Paul A. Nuttall

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Conservative Party ◽

Second World War ◽

News Story ◽

World War ◽

Post War ◽

The Moment ◽

The City ◽

Second World ◽

Local Party

In the spring of 1927, Liverpool’s Conservative MPs concluded that the local party was not equipped to counter the rise of Socialism in the city. They therefore demanded significant changes were made to the structure of the Liverpool Conservative Party. At the head of the local party was Sir Archibald Salvidge, a ruthless political operator who was determined not to give up the powers he had accrued over decades of service. What began as an internal row between Salvidge and seven rebel MPs became a national news story, and the Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Conservative Party Chairman became entangled. In many ways, the row represented the moment when Liverpool’s pre-war rowdy Unionism clashed with Stanley Baldwin’s post-war consensual conservatism; and the outcome of the dispute determined the character of Liverpool’s politics until the outbreak of the Second World War.

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W. Edwards Deming as a Guide for Reducing Risk in Project Management

Advances in Business Information Systems and Analytics - Research, Practices, and Innovations in Global Risk and Contingency Management ◽

10.4018/978-1-5225-4754-9.ch010 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 174-185

Author(s):

Dennis Bialaszewski

Keyword(s):

Project Management ◽

Quality Management ◽

Total Quality Management ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Economic Recovery ◽

Total Quality ◽

World War ◽

World War 2 ◽

Risk Of Failure

There is a major difference between completing a project and completing a project that is judged as a project completed in a quality manner, it is not enough to just get something done!!! What is much more important is to complete a project what is judged as to be a work of quality. If one aims at quality at the onset one can maximize the probability of completing the project while reducing the risk of failure. One of the earliest pioneers in the field of QUALITY is W. Edwards Deming. Some consider Japan's post World War 2 economic recovery as truly miraculous and the person given much of the credit for guiding Japan to this recovery was an American named W. Edwards Deming. Deming did this by reinforcing the importance of applying principles of Total Quality Management through the recovery, The Prime Minister of Japan awarded Dr. Deming with one of the most prestigious awards that can be earned in Japan when he awarded Deming Japan's Order of the Sacred Treasure, Second Class. This article will detail the importance of these principles for reducing risk.

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Marianne Moore's Postwar Fables and the Politics of Indirection

PMLA ◽

10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1256 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 131 (5) ◽

pp. 1256-1273 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Emily Setina

Keyword(s):

World War Ii ◽

Cold War ◽

Cultural Transmission ◽

American Poetry ◽

World War ◽

Indirect Speech ◽

Intellectual Labor ◽

War Rhetoric ◽

Political Project

Marianne Moore's response to World War II took an unexpected form: her translation, published in 1954, of the fables of La Fontaine. While Moore's project emerged from a wartime effort of European cultural transmission, the fables' indirect speech also served more personal political ends. It afforded a protected means for entering a gendered debate about war and a language for writing about large issues—violence, suffering, injustice—that avoided the oversimplifications and divisiveness of wartime and Cold War rhetoric. Critics have mostly neglected Moore's Fables along with her politics, but both are essential to understanding not only her response to war but also the larger goals of postwar American poetry and translation as a political project—one that allowed Moore and her peers to offset the guilt of spectatorship by reclaiming intellectual labor as a mode of war participation.

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Migration Crisis and “Brexit”

The Oxford Handbook of Migration Crises ◽

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190856908.013.7 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 92-110 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

William Outhwaite

Keyword(s):

Political Culture ◽

Prime Minister ◽

British Politics ◽

World War Two ◽

World War ◽

Short Term ◽

Eu Membership ◽

Migration Crisis ◽

The Uk

The issue of migration bridges the divide between short-term and long-term explanations of Brexit.Short-term explanations stress the drift toward a referendum in British politics, the opportunistic miscalculation by a playboy prime minister, and the manipulation of the referendum vote by a grotesquely biased press and some of the same conspiratorial forces which secured Trump’s election. Longer-term explanations point to historical differences between the UK and (the rest of) Europe; the fact that the UK escaped defeat and occupation in World War Two; the distinctive legal system shared by England, Wales, and Northern Ireland (though not Scotland); and the UK’s majoritarian political culture. This chapter discusses in a comparative context. The contribution of a migration crisis to the UK’s EU membership and constitutional .

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The English Cabinet Secretariat

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1945476 ◽

1928 ◽

Vol 22 (2) ◽

pp. 390-401

Author(s):

Joseph R. Starr

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Great War ◽

World War ◽

The World ◽

The Government ◽

The Many ◽

Accurate Record

No one of the many changes in the English constitution during the World War is more interesting than the establishment of the cabinet secretariat. The device came into being under the stress of war-time conditions, as a result of the complexity of the problems to be dealt with, and of the need for centralizing the activities of the government. Its retention after many other features of the war administration have proved only transitory is an example of the permanence that war-time institutions sometimes acquire.Before the war no minutes of cabinet meetings were kept. The only record of cabinet decisions was contained in the letter which the prime minister wrote with his own hand to the sovereign, reporting only those decisions which he thought should be brought to the sovereign's attention. A copy of each letter was kept for reference by the prime minister. Since it was considered bad form to take notes in cabinet meetings, individual members had to depend upon memory when proceeding to apply cabinet decisions in their own departments. Such procedure was unbusinesslike, and was one of the factors that rendered the cabinet system cumbrous and inefficient in the conduct of a great war. The War Cabinet needed an agency to prepare information for its consideration, to keep an accurate record of the many and vitally important decisions it made, and to transmit those decisions to the departments charged with ultimately carrying them into effect. Under such circumstances, the cabinet secretariat came into existence.

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Treaty-Making Procedure in the British Dominions

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.2307/2191164 ◽

1938 ◽

Vol 32 (3) ◽

pp. 467-487 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Robert B. Stewart

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

United Kingdom ◽

Prime Minister ◽

World War ◽

Separate Representation ◽

The United Kingdom ◽

Mother Country ◽

The World ◽

Paris Peace Conference ◽

The Government

The British Dominions prior to the World War had already achieved practically unrestricted freedom with respect to technical and commercial treaties. They had not attained any comparable freedom with respect to “political” treaties. They were, with rare exceptions, excluded from participation in the conclusion of such treaties but were, nevertheless, bound automatically by the obligations undertaken by the mother country. The Government of the United Kingdom, subject to its responsibility to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster, exercised sole authority in all matters relating to the conduct of foreign policy, the maintenance of peace, and the declaration of war. That authority, Prime Minister Asquith declared at the Imperial Conference of 1911, could not be shared with the Dominions. Yet at the close of the War the Dominions were given separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference.

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The Image of Ion I. C. Brătianu in The Foreign Press of 1916

International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION ◽

10.1515/kbo-2017-0124 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 23 (2) ◽

pp. 261-264

Author(s):

Gheorghe Calcan

Keyword(s):

World War I ◽

Prime Minister ◽

International Level ◽

World War ◽

National History ◽

Military Camp ◽

The Moment ◽

The Military ◽

National Borders ◽

The Way

Abstract Our paper aims to highlight the way Ion I. C. Brătianu was presented outside national borders in a fundamental moment of our national history, namely the integration of Romania into the operations of World War I in 1916. At that landmark moment, Ion I. C. Brătianu was Prime Minister of the country and was perceived abroad as the most powerful personality in the Romanian decisionmaking space, on whom the very decision to enter the war was hanging on. Foreign observers considered that Brătianu would not integrate with the war other than besides the military camp and in the moment that would definitely ensure their final victory. In order to sketch his image at international level we mainly used the information provided by the French press of the time (especially newspaper “Le Figaro”).

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