scholarly journals Social Media and Forced Migration: The Subversion and Subjugation of Political Life

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Marlowe

As social media platforms and the associated communication technologies become increasingly available, affordable and usable, these tools effectively enable forced migrants to negotiate political life across borders. This connection provides a basis for resettled refugees to interact with their transnational networks and engage in political activities in novel ways. This article presents a digital ethnography with 15 resettled refugees living in New Zealand and the role of social media and transnational networks for the maintenance and creation of political lives. Taking a broad interpretation of how political and political life are understood, this article focuses on how power is achieved and leveraged to provide legitimacy and control. In particular, it examines how refugees practise transnational politics through social media as they navigate both the subjugation and subversion of power. These digital interactions have the potential to reconfigure and, at times collapse, the distance between the resettled “here” and the transnational “there”. This article highlights how social media facilitates political lives as an ongoing transnational phenomenon and its implications for the country of resettlement and the wider diaspora.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-437
Author(s):  
Sarah Gambo ◽  
Woyopwa Shem

Background: Amidst the recent outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, there seems to be an avalanche of conspiracy theories that abound on social media platforms, and this subject attracted a lot of research interest. This study aimed to examine the "social media and the spread Covid-19 conspiracy theories in Nigeria" in light of the above.  Methods: The study adopted a qualitative design in order to explore the subject matter thoroughly. Thirty-five participants were conveniently sampled, and interviews were conducted to retrieved data from the participants. Results: Findings of this study revealed that there is a prevalence of conspiracy theories that have saturated social media ever since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. It was also found that ignorance, religious fanaticism, lack of censorship, and insufficient counter information on social media platforms are some of the possible factors that aided the spread of Covid-19 conspiracy theories among Nigerian social media users. Conclusion: This study recommends, among other things, that there is a swift need to curtail the spread of conspiracy theories through consistent dissemination of counter-information by both individuals and agencies like the National Orientation Agency (NOA) and the Nigerian Centre for Disease and Control (NCDC).


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 410-419
Author(s):  
Mohammed Jabardi ◽  
◽  
Asaad Hadi ◽  

One of the most popular social media platforms, Twitter is used by millions of people to share information, broadcast tweets, and follow other users. Twitter is an open application programming interface and thus vulnerable to attack from fake accounts, which are primarily created for advertisement and marketing, defamation of an individual, consumer data acquisition, increase fake blog or website traffic, share disinformation, online fraud, and control. Fake accounts are harmful to both users and service providers, and thus recognizing and filtering out such content on social media is essential. This study presents a new approach to detect fake Twitter accounts using ontology and Semantic Web Rule Language (SWRL) rules. SWRL rules-based reasoner is utilized under predefined rules to infer whether the profile is trust or fake. This approach achieves a high detection accuracy of 97%. Furthermore, ontology classifier is an interpretable model that offers straightforward and human-interpretable decision rules.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lijun (Gillian) Lei ◽  
Yutao Li ◽  
Yan Luo

ABSTRACT This study uses a sample of 1,316 firm-year observations of S&P 500 companies (2012–2016) to investigate whether and how social media (i.e., Twitter) affects firms' voluntary nonfinancial disclosure (i.e., corporate political disclosure). Our results show that Twitter-adopting firms are generally more transparent in their disclosure of corporate political contributions and of related policies and board oversight. Moreover, firms with more Twitter followers and firms whose corporate political activities are targeted in more Twitter messages are more transparent in such disclosures. Our cross-sectional analysis suggests that this effect is stronger for firms whose stakeholders are more active on Twitter and firms that are less visible or more reputable. Our results remain robust to different econometric model specifications and controlling for alternative social media platforms. Taken together, our findings suggest that social media (i.e., Twitter) presence exerts pressure on firms' voluntary nonfinancial disclosure practices (i.e., corporate political disclosure). JEL Classifications: G38; M41; M48. Data Availability: Data are available from the sources indicated in the text.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Duncan B. Hollis ◽  
Jens David Ohlin

Election interference is one of the most widely discussed international phenomena of the last five years. Russian covert interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election elevated the topic into a national priority, but that experience was far from an isolated one. Evidence of election interference by foreign states or their proxies has become a regular feature of national elections, and election interference is likely to get worse in the near future. Information and communication technologies afford those who would interfere with new tools that can operate in ways previously unimaginable: Twitter bots, Facebook advertisements, closed social media platforms, algorithms that prioritize extreme views, disinformation, misinformation, and malware that steals secret campaign communications. Defending Democracies: Combating Foreign Election Interference in a Digital Age tackles the problem through an interdisciplinary lens and focuses on: (1) defining the problem of foreign election interference; (2) exploring the solutions that international law might bring to bear; and (3) considering alternative regulatory frameworks for understanding and addressing the problem. The result is a deeply urgent examination of an old problem on social media steroids, one that implicates the most central institution of liberal democracy—elections. This volume seeks to bring domestic and international perspectives on elections and election law into conversation with other disciplinary frameworks, escaping the typical biases of lawyers—preferring international legal solutions for issues of international relations. Taken together, the chapters in this volume represent a more faithful representation of the broad array of solutions that might be deployed, including international and domestic, legal and extralegal, ambitious and cautious.


2021 ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Patrick S. Sullivan ◽  
Aaron J. Siegler ◽  
Lisa Hightow-Weidman

New communications technologies constitute a rapidly changing field with tremendous opportunities for public health practice. Platforms include a variety of apps, which share the general characteristics of platforms to share words, text, and video content, but which have important differences in their preferred formats of media, strategies for sharing information within social networks, and user bases. These technologies can facilitate public health efforts through the provision of information, as portals for communication with those in need of services, and as platforms for public health interventions. Social media platforms also give rise to the possibility of using public data to increase understanding of health concerns and programmes—for example, using public data on internet searches or social media postings to identifying trends in infectious diseases. Despite these exciting possibilities, there are important heterogeneities globally in the coverage of smartphone devices, in data speed, and in access to data services. There are also important considerations about possible harms of technologies, and about privacy concerns for users of social media in the context of public health.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel West

There is a growing body of research on the interplay between increasingly digitally informed political campaigning and citizen engagement in the political sphere both on and offline. While much of the existing scholarship concerns how digital technology impacts engagement, participation and the spread of information, there is limited research into the ways in which specific digital content modes and social media platforms intersect in ways that can lead to increased involvement of individuals in high-effort political activities. This research paper focuses on the personal action framing of campaign videos created in support of the Labour Party’s general election campaign in 2017. Videos created by both the central campaign and the grassroots political organization Momentum were designed to be shared widely over social media platforms to achieve visibility over a broad network of supporters and undecided voters over the course of the campaign. By analyzing the content of these videos, I will show how specific instances of digital media, such as videos, can invite instances of high-effort political participation through personalized political action framing. Drawing on connective action theory, and in particular, the discussion of personalized politics (Bennett, 2012; Bennett & Segerberg, 2013), this research uses thematic content analysis to identify which high-effort political activities are alluded to most often in the video content. By comparing the videos produced by Labour with those of Momentum, this contribution addresses a gap in the existing literature as it relates to how campaigns can benefit from loosely connected ties to organizations that use digital media to expend their networks of influence to develop their strategic capacity. The methods explored in this research can inform future study on the use of campaign videos in political movement building and election campaigns.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
. Wahyutama

<p>Some studies theorized social media as fostering youth political participation by facilitating the development of online participatory cultures (Jenkins, 2009). Online participatory cultures provide young citizens with opportunities to discuss and gain information about political topics, create capacity for action by promoting digital skills and norms for group interaction, and facilitate recruitment into civic and political life (Kahne et al., 2013). Against the backdrop of this discourse, this research aims to investigate social media and youth political participation in Indonesia’s context.  This project’s research questions ask: How politics is experienced by Indonesian youth and how social media is used by them to engage with political activities? To answer those questions, this research conducted a survey (n=265) and interviews (n=29) with students from three universities in Jakarta. This research adopted grounded theory approach in analysing the data.  This research revealed that social media in general provides affordances for youth to engage with activities related to political conversation and social-political campaign (as indicated by the findings that social media attracts more numbers of youth participating in these two categories of activity). Thus, this research in part support propositions advocated by the thesis of online participatory cultures that social media facilitates youth political participation.  However, under the specific context of ethnic and religious-based political polarization which happened during this research, this research also revealed that the salient form of social media use by youth is in fact monitoring political conversation. This activity is driven by the sense of “kepo” (the drive to asses how others are thinking, feeling, and responding to certain political issues) and has the effect on youth’s fear of social isolation (in the form of fear of breaking relationship with others). Eventually, this activity leads youth to the act of silence (in the form of refraining political expression on social media). In this case, this research (unintentionally) confirm the theory of spiral of silence proposed by Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984).  Finally, this research contributes to the academic discourse by providing a critical insight into the way social media could lead its users to the process of spiral of silence i.e. by exacerbating the fear of social isolation obtained from the activity of social surveillance (in the form of monitoring political conversation).</p>


Author(s):  
Shuojia Guo

In the digital age, the proliferation of fan-generated content on social media platforms is making the fan culture transitioning from the “static” online consumption to “dynamic” interaction. This is not only a result of the advancement of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), but also a cultural phenomenon driving by participatory fandom in cyberspace. The rise of social media has dramatically altered the dynamics of fan practices and spectatorship hence increased vocality and visibility within the fan community as well as the formation and facilitation of fan roles. In this chapter, we will explore why social media have such a profound impact upon fandom. In particular, what is new with these fan communities that social media has done so much to enable. Why there is a blurring in the lines between fandom producers and consumers in the participatory fandom. Given the new forms of cultural production, how fan culture enabled by social media is more powerful than it was ever before.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 131-145
Author(s):  
Agarwal Harshita ◽  
Poulomi Sen

In the twenty-first century which is regarded as the dawn of the social media age, the disputants, as well as the legal professionals such as advocates and judges, embrace the information available at their disposal on several social media platforms. It has altered the conduct of arbitration by changing the way disputants communicate. Being the modern tool for communication, it has elevated the speed and dissemination of information, which allows audiences to follow the dispute and express their support or dissatisfaction towards the disputants. As a consequence, the parties seeking redressal of their grievances through ADR get influenced due to the formation of ‘unconscious bias’. Communication is the epitome of the dispute resolution process, and the intervention of social media in the process generates a ghost syndrome, thus, resulting in the fading of such epitome. Its impact is not restricted to the parties but has the potential to undermine the independence, integrity, and impartiality of the judge or the mediator. Social Media has become significant within the legal domain as technology penetrates all ambits of individual endeavors. Looking towards the positive contributions, it acts as a source of evidence, especially in employment and labor disputes. Transformations in communication technologies have altered the definition of power in international arbitration, the class of individuals participating in the process, and strategies employed to mediate the conflict. The paper intends to discuss the elite usage and manipulation of social media impacting ADR, the cases influenced by it, and the theoretical framework required for its conduct.


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