scholarly journals Preferences in Between: Moderates in the Catalan Secessionist Conflict

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 386-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laia Balcells ◽  
Alexander Kuo
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Critical Case ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Sociodemographic Variables ◽  
Contentious Issue ◽  
Expressed Emotions ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
State Territory

Recent research on territorial preferences focuses on explaining who supports or opposes independence. However, this research overlooks the relevance of an “intermediate” category of citizens who may oppose the territorial status quo of a sub-state territory but not support independence. We use evidence from the critical case of Catalonia to illustrate the relevance of individuals with such preferences for policies and outcomes highly relevant to secessionist conflicts. We present four sets of findings using two-wave panel data from December 2017 (just prior to the December regional elections when Catalan independence was the most salient and contentious issue) and September 2018. First, we find that a sizable plurality within Catalonia supports greater autonomy short of independence; conventional sociodemographic variables explaining support for independence do not strongly account for this preference. Second, such pro-autonomy individuals have considerably more intermediate attitudes regarding the key “on the ground” actions that the Spanish and Catalan governments pursued during the crucial independence drive in 2017. They were more opposed than pro-independence individuals to the unilateral independence efforts, and more opposed than pro-status quo individuals to the Spanish government’s actions to counter these efforts. Third, they expressed emotions around the secessionist conflict similar to pro-status quo individuals. Finally, using an embedded survey experiment, we find that pro-autonomy individuals are more trusting of both the central and regional governments regarding their abiding by an agreement to resolve the conflict, and are less easily “polarized” through priming. Overall, these findings indicate the importance of further analyzing individuals with intermediate territorial views in secessionist conflicts.

Les élections régionales et européennes du 13 juin 2004 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 357-376
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Green Party ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Third ◽  
Main Development ◽  
Regional Elections

In Belgium the European elections and those for the regional councils were held on the same day. The elections of June 13th 2004 deserve a threefold analysis. First a comparison can be made with the results obtained five years ago for the same assemblies. lt shows that in Flanders the socialist party has progressed but that this advance was mainly due to the constitution of a cartel with one faction - Spirit - of the defunct Volksunie. The christian democrats made headway, their progress being enhanced by the contribution of N-VA, the other faction stemming from the Volksunie. The liberals declined fairly markedly as did the green party but to a lesser extent than in the elections for the federal parliament. The June 2004 elections saw above all progress for the extreme right Vlaams Blok, which has become the second biggest party of Flanders with 24 pct of the vote. In the Walloon provinces the socialists progress most thereby increasing the gap separating them from the liberals. The christian democrats advance somewhat while the green party Ecolo declines substantially.  The parties of the far right gain support and reach 8.73 pct of the vote. In Brussels the socialist advance is very marked allowing this party to conquer first place to the detriment of the liberals who are in decline. The progress made by frenchspeaking christian democrats is significant.A second approach for the analysis consists in comparing the results of the regional elections with those of the European ones. The differences are slight and rnainly due to the popularity of the candidates. In Belgium there was no "eurosceptic" or "sovereignty" list.  The third angle consists in comparing the 2004 results with the ones of the parliamentary elections of 2003. One then observes in Flanders a decline of the socialists, a significant fall in support for the liberals and a progression of the christian democrats. But the main development remains the progression of the Vlaams Blok which gains more than 6 pct compared to its good result of 2003.  In the Walloon provinces, the socialists remain at their 2003 level but increase their positive gap with regard to the liberals who are in decline. The christian democrats advance by some 2 pct whereas Ecolo recovers a small part of its 2003 loss. The parties of the far right gain some 1.5 pct. In Brussels, the most noteworthy developrnent is the progress of the frenchspeaking socialists who take over the first place from the liberals.In genera!lthese elections are characterised by a reinforcement of the far right to the detriment of the centre parties and by a status quo of the aggregate consisting of socialists and greens, but to the benefit of the former.

scholarly journals Borneo – trudna przeszłość, poplątane tożsamości. Indonezyjsko-malajska konfrontacja 1963–1966

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-296
Author(s):  
Andrzej Połosak
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
East Indies ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
Commonwealth Of Nations

Borneo, the largest of the Sunda Islands, was already divided during the colonial period. Its southern part belonged to the Dutch East Indies. To the north, there were the territories of North Kalimantan, part of the British Federation of Malaya. The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Ahmed Sukarno, supported anti-colonial movements around the world. Moreover, in 1962, Indonesia launched a military operation that attached West Irian, a Dutch overseas territory in the eastern tip of New Guinea. This operation gained international support.When Great Britain revised its Far East policy in the late 1950s, London gave independence to the Federation of Malaya, known as Malaysia since that time. From then on, the country was part of the Commonwealth of Nations. President Sukarno, remembering the success of the 1962 operation, considered newly established Malaysia to be only a new incarnation of English colonial politics. In April 1963, Jakarta began invading northern Borneo to annex these lands to Indonesia. The invasion met with strong resistance from the Commonwealth of Nations. After three years of struggle, the territorial status quo from before the conflict was re-established. The invasion and its high costs shook President Sukarno’s position. As a result, he was overthrown by General Suharto and the previously pursued policy of supporting anti-colonialism ended, although Indonesia remained a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, one of whose spiritual fathers was Ahmed Sukarno.

The Conduct of East–West Relations during the 1980s

1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-217
Author(s):  
Gustav Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Policies ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Historic Change ◽  
East West

More than 20 years ago, Philip Windsor proposed a succinct explanation of the East–West divide: ‘… the Cold War began with the deliberate Soviet decision to cut Europe in two and in reacting the Western powers took a deliberate decision to cut Germany in two.’ For the following two decades from 1969 to 1989, the formula ‘Peace and stability through partition” (U. Nerlich;J. Joffe) reflected widespread satisfaction with the territorial status quo in Europe. However, substantial disagreements (as L. Freedman observes p. 5) with established security policies, defence doctrines and armed forces' structures both in NATO and the Warsaw Pact (WP) might be taken as evidence that ‘Europe was on the verge of an historic change’. In respect of the state of public opinion, NATO ministers in early March 1988 declared the need gradually to overcome the unnatural division of Europe

Ethnic Stability and Urban Reconstruction

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (6) ◽  
pp. 683-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
SCOTT A. BOLLENS
Keyword(s):  
Urban Planning ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Spatial Reconstruction ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
Crisis Conditions

This article investigates the role and influence of urban planning in ameliorating or intensifying deeply ingrained ethnic conflict. It is based on more than 70 interviews with urban professionals in Belfast (Northern Ireland) and Johannesburg (South Africa). Policy makers in Belfast have sought intergroup stability through neutral policies that protect the territorial status quo. Equity planning in post-apartheid Johannesburg seeks spatial reconstruction of a disfigured metropolis. In both cities, policy dilemmas challenge officials who are seeking to stabilize or reconstruct strife-torn cities. Hardening of Protestant-Catholic territorial identities in Belfast, which are deemed essential to urban peace, might constitute a barrier to long-term intergroup reconciliation. In Johannesburg, policy responses to crisis conditions and reliance on private economic forces may solidify rather than transcend apartheid geography. In ethnically polarized cities, a reconceptualized urban planning that is able to improve interethnic coexistence has a vital and difficult role to play in advancing and reinforcing formal peace agreements.

scholarly journals Paying Attention or Paying Too Much in Medicare Part D

2015 ◽  
Vol 105 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan D. Ketcham ◽  
Claudio Lucarelli ◽  
Christopher A. Powers
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Prescription Drug ◽  
Medicare Part D ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Medicare Part ◽  
Choice Overload ◽  
Part D ◽  
Prescription Drug Plans ◽  
Choice Sets ◽  
Over Time

We study whether people became less likely to switch Medicare prescription drug plans (PDPs) due to more options and more time in Part D. Panel data for a random 20 percent sample of enrollees from 2006–2010 show that 50 percent were not in their original PDPs by 2010. Individuals switched PDPs in response to higher costs of their status quo plans, saving them money. Contrary to choice overload, larger choice sets increased switching unless the additional plans were relatively expensive. Neither switching overall nor responsiveness to costs declined over time, and above-minimum spending in 2010 remained below the 2006 and 2007 levels. (JEL H51, I13, I18)

Le Traité égypto-hittite de paix et d’alliance entre les rois Ramsès II et Khattouchili III (d’après l’inscription hiéroglyphique au temple de Karnak)*

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Schafik Allam
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
International Commerce ◽  
Near Eastern ◽  
Equal Status ◽  
Sea Peoples ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractWith the conquests of Tuthmosis III in Syria, Egypt entered into the international scene of the Near Eastern world. Thereafter, the Hittites were extending their frontiers across northern Mesopotamia and Syria. This led to conflict with Egypt, since each was aspiring to control the routes of international commerce. Inevitably, the two super-powers clashed at Qadesh, and the relationship between them remained full of hostility and distrust. True peace came only upon the conclusion of a treaty between Ramesses II and Khattouchili III, through which an extreme alliance was finally agreed. The treaty was an implicit recognition by both partners of a territorial status quo. Its conclusion was probably enhanced by the rising of the Assyrians and the infiltration of the Sea Peoples. Furthermore, the Hittite king was worried about his right to rule; his seizure of the throne left him concerned about the succession to his own family line. In this situation an accommodation with Ramesses II left Khattouchili in a more secure position. The treaty in the form of a pact between two powers of equal status is the oldest known one in history. Although previously translated and commented upon, this is the first such treatment in French.

scholarly journals International legal treatment of boundary disputes in the territory of former Yugoslavia

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 354-373
Author(s):  
Dusko Dimitrijevic
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Boundary Line ◽  
Boundary Problems ◽  
Composite State ◽  
Legal Opinions ◽  
New States ◽  
Present Context ◽  
Territorial Status

The Yugoslav case is central to any study of the issue of State succession in modern international law. The international response to the Yugoslav crises was largely articulated through the Arbitration Commission of the European Community and its legal opinions in relation to dissolution of SFRY. Reinforcing the principle uti possidetis, Arbitration Commission admitted its general scope in international law. The application of the principle resulted in administrative boundaries being transformed into international frontiers. The territory passes to the new States on the basis of the pre-existing administrative boundaries, regardless of the procedure by which this boundaries were established. This conclusion follows from the principle of respect for the territorial status quo which is essential for stability of the successor States. The succession to existing administrative territorial limits probably cannot extend to the every uti possidetis line between new successor States and therefore no successor State can be deprived of its inherent rights what in Yugoslav case confirms transitional function and retrospective character of principle which is necessary for final international delimitation. This international law principle could be understand only in historical context. The principle has difficult task to produce new international recognized boundaries in order to protect the independence and stability of new States. In positive international law the essence of the principle lies in confirmation of territorial status quo, except where the States concerned agree otherwise. It means that principle not able to resolve all boundary problems. It should perform possible legal title if the formal basis of consent default. In the case of succession of SFRY, a boundary line not preclude the dissentient parties from citing the contents of any ?indicia of title? because the clear legal title hasn?t existed in the former composite State. Where the administrative boundary which is being transformed into international boundaries by virtue of the principle uti possidetis cannot be identified by any legal act or subsequent State practice with regard to a particular territory the new limitrophe States must allow for the application to the other international law rules. That corresponded the principle of ?effectivit?s? which play an essential role. When particular difficulties in the application of general principle arose, the principle of equity infra legem might be possible solution. But analysed international practice has not shown any mandatory legal rules apply in the present context. Although many methods of delimitation could be used in practice. At last the exact location of a boundary line would be amicably settled by the successor States and it therefore is important to unravel the confused boundary stands in order to see the problem in correct perspective.

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