scholarly journals The Politics of Syrian Refugees in Turkey: A Question of Inclusion and Exclusion through Citizenship

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebnem Koser Akcapar ◽  
Dogus Simsek

Turkey began to receive refugees from Syria in 2011 and has since become the country hosting the highest number of refugees, with more than 3.5 million Syrians and half a million people of other nationalities, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. An important turning point regarding the legal status of Syrian refugees has come with recent amendments to the Turkish citizenship law. Based on ongoing academic debates on integration and citizenship, this article will explore these two concepts in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. We will argue that the shift in the Turkish citizenship law is a direct outcome of recent migration flows. We further argue that the citizenship option is used both as a reward for skilled migrants with economic and cultural capital and as a tool to integrate the rest of the Syrians. It also reflects other social, political and demographic concerns of the Turkish government. Using our recent ethnographic study with Syrians and local populations in two main refugee hosting cities in Turkey, Istanbul and Gaziantep, we will locate the successes and weaknesses of this strategy by exemplifying the views of Syrian refugees on gaining Turkish citizenship and the reactions of Turkish nationals.

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Toğral Koca

AbstractSince the war erupted in Syria in 2011, Turkey has followed an “open door” policy toward Syrian refugees. The Turkish government has been promoting this liberal policy through a humanitarian discourse that leads one to expect that Syrian refugees have not been securitized in Turkey. This article, however, argues that a security framework that emphasizes control and containment has been essential to the governance of Syrian refugees in Turkey, despite the presence of such non-securitarian discourses. To develop this argument, the article first builds an analytical framework based on a critical engagement with the theory of securitization, which was originally developed by the Copenhagen School. Unlike the Copenhagen School’s theory emphasizing “speech acts” as the vector of securitization, this article applies a sociological approach to the analysis of the securitization process by focusing on both discursive and non-discursive practices. In carrying out this analysis, securitizing practices, both discursive and non-discursive, are defined as those that: (1) emphasize “control and containment,” especially in relation to societal/public security concerns (here, specifically, the labor market and employment); and (2) establish a security continuum about various other issues—including criminality, terrorism, socioeconomic problems, and cultural deprivation—and thereby treat migrants as “risky” outsiders. Subsequently, in line with this analytical framework, the article seeks to trace the securitization of non-camp Syrian refugees, especially in the labor market. Finally, the article demonstrates that this securitization process is likely to conceal structural and political problems, and to close off alternative public and political debate about the refugees.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica McCrory Calarco

As privilege-dependent organizations, U.S. public schools have an interest in catering to higher-SES White families. But, what happens when privileged families’ interests conflict with schools’ stated goals? Focusing on the case of homework, and drawing insights from organizational theory, cultural capital theory, and research on parent involvement in schools, I examine how schools’ dependence on higher-SES White families influences their enforcement of rules. Using a longitudinal, ethnographic study of one socioeconomically diverse public elementary school, I find that teachers wanted to enforce homework rules, but they worried doing so would lead to conflict with the higher-SES White “helicopter” parents, on whom they relied most for support. Thus, teachers selectively enforced rules, using evidence of “helicopter” parenting to determine which students “deserved” leeway and lenience. Those decisions, in turn, contributed to inequalities in teachers’ punishment and evaluation of students. Broadly, these findings suggest privilege-dependence leads schools to appease privileged families, even when those actions contradict the school’s stated goals. These findings also challenge standard policy assumptions about parent involvement and homework, and they suggest policies aimed at reducing the power of privilege are necessary for lessening inequalities in school.


Author(s):  
Ozgur Ates

The consequences of the Syrian Civil War that started in March 2011 have been tragic and devastating for the Syrian people. Many of them have fled their country and sought asylum in other parts of the world, especially in Turkey. The unofficial figures suggest that there are close to six million Syrian refugees living in Turkey, yet over two million of them are not registered to work under the temporary protection provided by the Turkish government. As a result of this, it is impossible for many refugees to get a legally paid job. Refugees usually work in informal sectors for extremely low wages. This makes refugees vulnerable to exploitation at work and get employed at jobs that locals are reluctant to do. This chapter highlights the case study of two non-profit companies that have been launched by two young Turkish social entrepreneurs in Turkey to create employment opportunities to provide regular and sustainable income to Syrian refugees that public and private sectors have failed to meet and address.


Author(s):  
Moshe Mishkinsky

This chapter describes a turning point in the history of Polish Socialism and its attitude towards the Jewish Question. In dealing with the concept of the Jewish Question, the intention is not, as is often the case, to dwell solely upon the legal status of Jews (emancipation) but to view the problems of Jewish existence in their diversity. According to one view, the dependence upon non Jewish society represents an integral element or, even a determinant, in these problems. In the context of Polish–Jewish relations from the historical perspective of the last hundred years, one may discern six aspects of the subject. These include the development of Socialist thought in its different versions as regards the Jews; the influence of the gradual growth and development of the emerging working class in Polish society; the influence of the relatively large involvement of Jews within the Socialist Labour Movement; the impact of the new processes which matured in the last quarter of the 19th century on the life of Eastern European Jewry in general, and on the Polish–Jewish area in particular; the growth alongside each other, but also in conflict, of two political and ideological movements — Polish Socialism and Jewish labour Socialism; and the tension between the Socialist and the national elements which was common to both yet different in its concrete content.


2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica McCrory Calarco

As privilege-dependent organizations, U.S. public schools have an interest in catering to higher-SES White families. But, what happens when privileged families’ interests conflict with schools’ stated goals? Focusing on the case of homework, and drawing insights from organizational theory, cultural capital theory, and research on parent involvement in schools, I examine how schools’ dependence on higher-SES White families influences their enforcement of rules. Using a longitudinal, ethnographic study of one socioeconomically diverse public elementary school, I find that teachers wanted to enforce homework rules, but they worried doing so would lead to conflict with the higher-SES White “helicopter” parents, on whom they relied most for support. Thus, teachers selectively enforced rules, using evidence of “helicopter” parenting to determine which students “deserved” leeway and lenience. Those decisions, in turn, contributed to inequalities in teachers’ punishment and evaluation of students. Broadly, these findings suggest privilege-dependence leads schools to appease privileged families, even when those actions contradict the school’s stated goals. These findings also challenge standard policy assumptions about parent involvement and homework, and they suggest policies aimed at reducing the power of privilege are necessary for lessening inequalities in school.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
I Kayi ◽  
Z Şimşek2 ◽  
G Yıldırımkaya

Abstract The number of Syrian refugees residing in Turkey has increased over 200 times since 2012 reaching to 3,621,330 (April 2019). Turkey has granted temporary protection status, including access healthcare in the city of registration. Ministry of Health provides on-site health service in temporary shelters, however more than 90% of the Syrian refugees choose to stay in community settings, which along with language barriers limits their ability to access health care and information. With UNFPA we have designed a health mediator model to improve access to health care and awareness on priority concerns such as mental health, reproductive health, child health, health system in Turkey and legal status provided to Syrian refugees. This study is a participatory operational research to test the health mediator model. Operationalization took place in 3 phases: (1) selection and training of Syrian health mediators and provincial coordinators; (2) household visits and data collection; (3) evaluation and supervision. So far, we have trained 174 health mediators from 24 different Turkish cities. Training took 5 days with up to 30 participants each. UNFPA collaborated with NGOs that work with Syrian refugees for coordination purposes. Health mediators made household visits to reach out to Syrian families, gave health education and where necessary support for access to health care services, and conducted a needs assessment. Data collected has been the subject to weekly supervision meetings by local NGOs, health mediators and coordinators to set priorities for the upcoming week. Health mediator model was effective in reaching out to hard-to-reach groups among Syrian refugees, increased health system and legal awareness, contribute to improved healthcare access and prevention of negative health outcomes such as teenage marriages and pregnancies. Inclusion of refugees in decision-making and guidance during the implementation of the project was key for project success.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-313
Author(s):  
Emel Özdora Akşak

This research focuses on the Turkish government’s communications with the international community with regard to Syrian refugees. I use the Discourse Historical Approach to reveal and compare the discursive strategies that the official Turkish news agency has used as part of its public diplomacy efforts in their mass communication efforts regarding Syrian refugees during the last 8 years. The results reveal how a humanitarian issue such as the plight of refugees might be employed to establish a government’s political position, affirm its involvement and influence public opinion about a conflict that exceeds national boundaries and has turned into a challenge for international dominance involving world superpowers. The topics highlighted in the Turkish news reports and the argumentations that these reports put forward reveal that the Turkish government is highly critical of the international community, especially Western powers, for not fulfilling their humanitarian responsibilities. This specific criticism from Turkey regarding its outsized role in hosting refugees has become a leverage point to claim a place in the decision table about the future of Syria.


1978 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gideon Fishman

AbstractThis study investigates the legal status and treatment of the youthful offender in Israel. Due to a legal provision, in the case of the youthful offender, the court is required to receive a pre-sentencing report from a probation officer; however, there is no institutionalized indication as to how or to what degree the judges should follow the report. Our findings reveal that both judges and probation officers adhere to high professional standards and make their decisions according to the specific case brought in front of them, and that they are not affected by social class or ethnic stereotypes. In spite of a considerable correspondence between the recommendations made by the probation officers and the decisions made by the judges, one cannot avoid noticing also some discrepancy. This is attributed to the strong therapeutic values which characterize the probation officers' training and which are less evident among the judges. The consequences of this discrepancy are analysed and discussed and a few steps to narrow the gap are suggested.


2011 ◽  
Vol 76 (6) ◽  
pp. 862-882 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica McCrory Calarco

What role do children play in education and stratification? Are they merely passive recipients of unequal opportunities that schools and parents create for them? Or do they actively shape their own opportunities? Through a longitudinal, ethnographic study of one socioeconomically diverse, public elementary school, I show that children’s social-class backgrounds affect when and how they seek help in the classroom. Compared to their working-class peers, middle-class children request more help from teachers and do so using different strategies. Rather than wait for assistance, they call out or approach teachers directly, even interrupting to make requests. In doing so, middle-class children receive more help from teachers, spend less time waiting, and are better able to complete assignments. By demonstrating these skills and strategies, middle-class children create their own advantages and contribute to inequalities in the classroom. These findings have implications for theories of cultural capital, stratification, and social reproduction.


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