Syrian refugees in Turkey: from “guests” to “enemies”?

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Toğral Koca

AbstractSince the war erupted in Syria in 2011, Turkey has followed an “open door” policy toward Syrian refugees. The Turkish government has been promoting this liberal policy through a humanitarian discourse that leads one to expect that Syrian refugees have not been securitized in Turkey. This article, however, argues that a security framework that emphasizes control and containment has been essential to the governance of Syrian refugees in Turkey, despite the presence of such non-securitarian discourses. To develop this argument, the article first builds an analytical framework based on a critical engagement with the theory of securitization, which was originally developed by the Copenhagen School. Unlike the Copenhagen School’s theory emphasizing “speech acts” as the vector of securitization, this article applies a sociological approach to the analysis of the securitization process by focusing on both discursive and non-discursive practices. In carrying out this analysis, securitizing practices, both discursive and non-discursive, are defined as those that: (1) emphasize “control and containment,” especially in relation to societal/public security concerns (here, specifically, the labor market and employment); and (2) establish a security continuum about various other issues—including criminality, terrorism, socioeconomic problems, and cultural deprivation—and thereby treat migrants as “risky” outsiders. Subsequently, in line with this analytical framework, the article seeks to trace the securitization of non-camp Syrian refugees, especially in the labor market. Finally, the article demonstrates that this securitization process is likely to conceal structural and political problems, and to close off alternative public and political debate about the refugees.

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Togral Koca

Turkey has followed an “open door” policy towards refugees from Syria since the March 2011 outbreak of the devastating civil war in Syria. This “liberal” policy has been accompanied by a “humanitarian discourse” regarding the admission and accommodation of the refugees. In such a context, it is widely claimed that Turkey has not adopted a securitization strategy in its dealings with the refugees. However, this article argues that the stated “open door” approach and its limitations have gone largely unexamined. The assertion is, here, refugees fleeing Syria have been integrated into a security framework embedding exclusionary, militarized and technologized border practices. Drawing on the critical border studies, the article deconstructs these practices and the way they are violating the principle of non-refoulement in particular and human rights of refugees in general. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vidya Dwi Amalia Zati ◽  
Sumarsih Sumarsih ◽  
Lince Sihombing

The objectives of the research were to describe the types of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera, to derive the dominant type of speech acts used in televised political debates of governor candidates of North Sumatera and to elaborate the way of five governor candidates of North Sumatera use speech acts in televised political debates. This research was conducted by applying descriptive qualitative research. The findings show that there were only four types of speech acts used in televised political debates, Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara, they were assertives, directives, commissives and expressives. The dominant type of speech acts used in both televised political debates was assertives, with 82 utterances or 51.6% in Debat Pemilukada Sumatera Utara and 36 utterances or 41.37% in Uji Publik Cagub dan Cawagub Sumatera Utara. The way of governor candidates of North Sumatera used speech acts in televised political debates is in direct speech acts, they spoke straight to the point and clearly in order to make the other candidates and audiences understand their utterances.   Keywords: Governor Candidate; Political Debate; Speech Acts


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7234
Author(s):  
Ahmad AlShwawra

The Government of Jordan declared that there are more than one million Syrian refugees in Jordan while UNHCR statistics show that the number is about 700,000. Nonetheless, it is still a large problem for Jordan, especially since there is no real solution that seems to be looming on the horizon for the Syrian crisis. Consequently, that means that those refugees’ stay in Jordan is indefinite. This fact requires Jordan to work towards solutions to avoid the warehousing of those refugees in camps and to integrate them in Jordanian community to ease their stay in Jordan. To achieve that integration, Jordan must facilitate the Syrians’ access to the Jordanian labor market so they can achieve self-reliance. In February 2016, donors gathered in London for the ‘Supporting Syria and the Region’ conference, known as the London Conference, to mobilize funding for the needs of the people affected by the Syrian crisis. In that conference, Jordan pledged to facilitate Syrian refugees’ access to the labor market. This paper will study the process of Syrian integration in Jordanian society by discussing the policies and the procedures that Jordan has developed to facilitate the Syrians’ access to the labor market. The event study method combined with interviews and desk research were used to evaluate the new policies and procedures developed to facilitate this access. It was found that Jordan succeeded in creating a legal and procedural environment that facilitates Syrians’ access to formal jobs, and the Syrians went a long way toward integration in Jordan. Nonetheless, they are still not fully integrated.


Author(s):  
Ozgur Ates

The consequences of the Syrian Civil War that started in March 2011 have been tragic and devastating for the Syrian people. Many of them have fled their country and sought asylum in other parts of the world, especially in Turkey. The unofficial figures suggest that there are close to six million Syrian refugees living in Turkey, yet over two million of them are not registered to work under the temporary protection provided by the Turkish government. As a result of this, it is impossible for many refugees to get a legally paid job. Refugees usually work in informal sectors for extremely low wages. This makes refugees vulnerable to exploitation at work and get employed at jobs that locals are reluctant to do. This chapter highlights the case study of two non-profit companies that have been launched by two young Turkish social entrepreneurs in Turkey to create employment opportunities to provide regular and sustainable income to Syrian refugees that public and private sectors have failed to meet and address.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-313
Author(s):  
Emel Özdora Akşak

This research focuses on the Turkish government’s communications with the international community with regard to Syrian refugees. I use the Discourse Historical Approach to reveal and compare the discursive strategies that the official Turkish news agency has used as part of its public diplomacy efforts in their mass communication efforts regarding Syrian refugees during the last 8 years. The results reveal how a humanitarian issue such as the plight of refugees might be employed to establish a government’s political position, affirm its involvement and influence public opinion about a conflict that exceeds national boundaries and has turned into a challenge for international dominance involving world superpowers. The topics highlighted in the Turkish news reports and the argumentations that these reports put forward reveal that the Turkish government is highly critical of the international community, especially Western powers, for not fulfilling their humanitarian responsibilities. This specific criticism from Turkey regarding its outsized role in hosting refugees has become a leverage point to claim a place in the decision table about the future of Syria.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026101832090677
Author(s):  
Aslihan Mccarthy

The Turkish Government is under pressure to accommodate the Syrian population in its territories. Several strategies including devolution, co-production of public services and finally institutionalisation of social welfare for non-citizens have been employed by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to respond to the needs of nearly four million Syrian refugees. This article explores political discourses in the presentation of these strategies from a public choice theory perspective. Accordingly, the main question is how social policy for refugees is justified to the public by the AKP. It is found out through a discourse analysis that instrumental interest to sustain political power is the driving force of policy making for refugees rather than humanitarian concerns in Turkey. The AKP continues populism in welfare policy formation for Syrian people and this is evident in its rhetoric evolving from religious fraternity to economic opportunism. In that context, this article brings the contradictory dynamics of social policies for Syrian refugees into light and uncovers the twists and turns of relevant political discourse.


2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 33-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sinem Kavak

AbstractThis article examines how the labor market in seasonal migrant work in agriculture in Turkey has changed with the influx of refugees from Syria. Based on both qualitative and quantitative fieldwork in ten provinces of Turkey, the article discusses precarity in seasonal migrant work in agriculture and the impact of the entry of refugees on this labor market. The analysis of precariousness of both Turkish-citizen migrant workers and refugees suggests that precarity is a relational phenomenon. The multifaceted vulnerabilities of groups in the lower echelons of the labor market resonate with one another and the adverse incorporation of vulnerable groups into the labor market pushes the market in a more insecure and informal direction.


Headline TURKEY/SYRIA: Ankara in quandary over Syrian refugees


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-201
Author(s):  
Mila Fitri Yeni

This research aims to analyze Germany’s Motivation to accept Syrian refugee in 2015 at German policy of Open Door Policy. A foreign policy that was chosen by the state is rational choice by calculating the benefit earned and cost paid through the policy based on national interests. This research was analysed using the concept Rational Model of Decision Making by Karen A.Mingst this concept sees the formulation of a state’s foreign policy based on the considerations of the costs and benefits a state gets on the issue at hand, in which the state will choose a policy with greater profits than its sacrifices. The researcher concluded that Germany’s open door policy toward Syrian refugees was a rational choice because it has that advantage in the form of adding labor that has an effect on the economic aspect for Germany


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebnem Koser Akcapar ◽  
Dogus Simsek

Turkey began to receive refugees from Syria in 2011 and has since become the country hosting the highest number of refugees, with more than 3.5 million Syrians and half a million people of other nationalities, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. An important turning point regarding the legal status of Syrian refugees has come with recent amendments to the Turkish citizenship law. Based on ongoing academic debates on integration and citizenship, this article will explore these two concepts in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. We will argue that the shift in the Turkish citizenship law is a direct outcome of recent migration flows. We further argue that the citizenship option is used both as a reward for skilled migrants with economic and cultural capital and as a tool to integrate the rest of the Syrians. It also reflects other social, political and demographic concerns of the Turkish government. Using our recent ethnographic study with Syrians and local populations in two main refugee hosting cities in Turkey, Istanbul and Gaziantep, we will locate the successes and weaknesses of this strategy by exemplifying the views of Syrian refugees on gaining Turkish citizenship and the reactions of Turkish nationals.


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