scholarly journals VALUES AND IDENTITIES OF THE REGIONAL ELITE

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-27
Author(s):  
T. A. Bevz

The article focuses on values as the basis of conscious choice. Values determine the future, determine the unity, cohesion of society and self- identification. Values are produced, distributed by elites and perceived by different social groups. The regional political elite is a certain group with a kind of corporate self-consciousness, its own independent system of values, which are fixed with help of certain external attributes, a system of selecting new members. The regional political elite was the creator of values and meanings in the politics of the region and played a significant role in shaping values, ideological preferences, views and attitudes to any political events, phenomena and processes. The policy of regional identity is conditioned by the culture of regional elites, their ideas about the past and future of the region and the country. After all, historical memory is an important element of national identity. The basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of regional identities was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. Most representatives of the Sumy regional political elite declared the values of paternalism, cooperation and democracy as a priority. The manifestation of political identity was a set of values, principles and motivations that representatives of the regional political elite recognize as basic for their political group. The regional political elite of Sumy region was the bearer of ideas and values, which were characterized by regional identity, regional interests and values, common history. Identity markers for the regional political elite of Sumy region were Ukraine as a homeland; Sumy region as a region it manages, business center, place of residence; public holidays as mechanisms of symbolic representation; historical memory, history of the region and history of the Cossacks.

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Kopeček

The article describes the rise and fall of the Civic Movement during the early 1990s, the most distinct post-dissident political group in Czech politics after 1989. Basically it follows two lines of enquiry. The first describes the post—Charter 77 community of people during the first years after the 1989 Czechoslovak democratic revolution, when strong personalities of the Czech culture and civic activism from its midst strove to cultivate a vision of “November 1989” in the nascent Czech democratic political culture and to promote the Velvet Revolution’s ethos as its base, first in the Civic Forum and later through one of the successor organisations, Civic Movement. Analysing the main reasons why these efforts were rather unsuccessful, the article turns to the “the politics of history” of the early Czechoslovak and Czech democracy. The “politics towards the past,” namely, turned out to be a soft spot of the post-dissident political elite and actually one of the main conflict points among the various cultural-political streams stemming from the former anticommunist opposition. The second line of enquiry focuses on this community’s half-hearted, if not even forced attempt at a political-ideological delineation heading towards socially conceived liberalism. The article describes how this attempt at recasting the “legacy” of former dissidence into a civic or social liberal political form also failed relatively soon due to the structural development of the Czech political system as well as internal ideological and political diversity of the Civic Movement.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Bevz

The article analyzes the role of regional political elites of Sumy region in the actualization of historical memory. It was noted that the politics of memory is a symbolic resource of regional political elites. It was shown that regional political elites, on the one hand, «can create a favorable ground for the growth of multiple identities», and on the other – «are able to stimulate the growth of polar and conflicting identities». Emphasis was placed on the fact that the historical past becomes the ideological present. It was shown that the basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of historical memory was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. It was determined that memory is designed not only to reflect the past, but also to form its meaning for the present. In today's world, there is a great public demand for the formation, restoration, preservation, transmission, reading and affirmation of historical memory. And in this context, the urgent need for the central government and the regional political elite was the need to actively shape a nationwide policy of historical memory.


Author(s):  
К.А. Панченко

Abstract The article examines the conquest of the County of Tripoli by the Mamelukes in 1289, and the reaction of various Middle Eastern ethnoreligious groups to this event. Along with the Monophysite perspective (the Syriac chronicle of Bar Hebraeus’ Continuator and the work of the Coptic historian Mufaddal ibn Abi-l-Fadail), and the propagandist texts of Muslim Arabic panegyric poets, we will pay special attention to the historical memory of the Orthodox (Melkite) and Maronite communities of northern Lebanon. The contemporary of these events — the Orthodox author Suleiman al-Ashluhi, a native of one of the villages of the Akkar Plateau — laments the fall of Tripoli in his rhymed eulogy. It is noteworthy that this author belongs to the rural Melkite subculture, which — in spite of its conservative character — was capable of producing original literature. Suleiman al-Ashluhi’s work was forsaken by the following generations of Melkites; his poem was only preserved in Maronite manuscripts. Maronite historical memory is just as fragmented. The father of the Modern Era Maronite historiography — Gabriel ibn al-Qilaʿî († 1516) only had fragmentary information on the history of his people in the 13th century: local chronicles and the heroic epos that glorified the Maronite struggle against the Muslim lords that tried to conquer Mount Lebanon. Gabriel’s depiction of the past is not only biased and subject to aims of religious polemics, but also factually inaccurate. Nevertheless, the texts of Suleiman al-Ashluhi and Gabriel ibn al-Qilaʿî give us the opportunity to draw conclusions on the worldview, educational level, political orientation and peculiar traits of the historical memory of various Christian communities of Mount Lebanon.


Fluminensia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Krystyna Pieniążek-Marković

The aim of the article is to discuss how elements of food narratives meals and kitchen tools used for cooking are used in order to consolidate and shape the Croatian cultural memory, especially in the context of its Mediterranean heritage.For this reason, the texts by Veljko Barbieri, collected in the four volumes under the common and significant title Kuharski kanconijer. Gurmanska sjećanja Mediterana, are analysed. His circum-culinary narratives are a combination of encyclopaedic knowledge, references to historical and literary sources, personal memories and literary fiction. They can be easily inscribed in the Croatian (collective and individual) identity discourse since they are able to strengthen the collective (either national and supranational, or geo-regional) identity, and to construct the cultural memory. They also show Croatia's affiliation to the Western world along with its cultural-civilization rooting in antiquity, the Mediterranean region and Christianity, thus forming a part of the founding memory that develops a narrative about the very beginnings of Croatian presence on this land. The gastronomic narratives serve to create the cultural memory and this version of history which is to stabilize the social identity described by Pierre Nora and Andreas Huyssen. Through his stories, Barbieri shapes memory based on the representation of the past. In the analysed narratives, the memory carriers are dishes and plates which find reference to the oldest history of Croatia rendered by myths and other narratives. Associated with dishes, the pots enable the narrator to recall the past and the identity coded in individual dishes. They also participate in the processes of repeating, storage and remembering which generate a symbiotic relationship between man and thing. The memory carriers that is, food and plates depicted in Barbieri's culinary narratives do not convey their content in a neutral way, but construct their marked images.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-19
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Michalski

In the context of reflections on the breakthrough moments in the history of Poland in the first half of the 20th century, the content of the volume of the journal “Nauki o Wychowaniu. Studia Interdyscyplinarne” (Nowis. Interdisciplinary Studies) which testifies to the preservation of their historical memory, is discussed.


Author(s):  
Yana E. Kanevskaya ◽  
◽  
David M. Feldman ◽  

The article considers the history of the term “wrecking.” The study allows describing and analyzing political events which the chosen terms correlate with. The authors manage to trace the functions of the term “wrecking” at different historical times, as well as to establish a connection between the function of the term and the political tasks of the leadership.


Author(s):  
D.E. Martynov ◽  
◽  
G.P. Myagkov ◽  

The paper reviews the collective monograph published by the Center for Intellectual History of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IWH RAS). The reviewers consider the theoretical and factual information presented in the monograph in the context of the analysis of both general and specific characteristics of historical memory. The study of historical memory is possible through the analysis of specific political and intellectual practices of the era of early and mature modernity. The use of J. Rusen’s methodology was justified. According to this methodology, historical memory can be regarded as an “unconscious ideology,” which will inevitably be mythological, because it links the memories of an individual with an integral image of the past. From the aforesaid, it may be seen that the compound term “past – for – present”, which expresses the direction of historical memory, can be introduced. The term is reflected in the title of the monograph under review. The substantive features of strategies for the development of historical memory based on ideologemes were considered by the authors using the example of Russia, Great Britain, Poland (the ideology of Sarmatism), and Bolivia (the ideology of Indianism).


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Jedlicki

Memory of collective wrongs and atrocities suffered in the past from another nation or ethnic group often burdens a present conflict with strong resentment and makes it appear as a historical repetition or redress. There are many examples in recent history of Eastern Europe, the Balkans included, when vivid and deliberately inflamed historical reminiscences make it virtually impossible to negotiate a compromise solution of a crisis. Only when national memory has been “cooled” and sacrosanct historical places and symbols has lost some of their mobilizing force, may human relations between the enemy communities be restored.


Inner Asia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-73
Author(s):  
Tatyana D. Skrynnikova ◽  
Darima D. Amogolonova

AbstractIn the identity discourse of Post Soviet Buryatia the modelling of ethnic boundaries has priority, and the ethnic marker ‘Buryat’ is increasingly replaced by the wider marker ‘Buryat- Mongol.’ In this way a revitalised historical memory allows the synonymising of ethnicity and political identity. This move inspires elites in their construction of a new mythology, in which the glorious pages of the Mongol empire and Chinggis Khan have become the basis of a new discourse. The article shows how elites use the ‘confirmations’ that are allegedly preserved in the legends to affirm their identity. Such ideas include, that it is in the territory of ethnic Buryatia that the most sacred places connected to Chinggis Khan are located (his birthplace, throne, and burial place). Furthermore, Chinggis Khan is ‘privatised’: his Buryat origin and even the Buryat sources of the Mongol empire is ‘proved.’ Positive features of Chinggis’s character and intentions, and his progressive activities in the creation of ‘Eurasian’ and ‘global’ space, are emphasised. The discourse asserts the globalising character of his activities not only in the lay sense and not only regarding the past. The article discusses how the quoted texts both implicitly and explicitly contain the idea that a happy future for the Buryats is inevitably determined by their ties with Chinggis Khan and the loci connected with him, an idea which sacralises and cosmologises the territories where Buryats reside.


2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy P. Appelbaum

Abstract The mid-nineteenth-century Colombian Chorographic Commission drew on geology, archaeology, and history to project a patriotic past onto the Andean landscape of the young republic then known as New Granada. This geographic expedition, led initially by Agustín Codazzi and Manuel Ancízar, explored and mapped the country from 1850 to 1859. For the commissioners and their associates among the creole elite, the history of past epochs was “written” on the mountainsides for scientific travelers such as themselves to “read.” They portrayed disparate historical and prehistoric events as overlapping and interrelated. The commission’s texts and images linked a catastrophic interpretation of geologic origins to historia patria (patriotic history). The commissioners merged the wars of conquest and independence into a two-act drama enacted on a singular territorial stage. Their reading of geologic, archaeological, and historical evidence endowed the impoverished young Republic of New Granada with a grandiose territory, a great precursor civilization, and a legacy of patriotic resistance to imperialism. Their interpretations, however, would prove controversial. During the second half of the nineteenth century, debates over geology, archaeology, and history reflected conflicting Liberal and Conservative political projects. Moreover, the midcentury intellectuals failed to incorporate contemporaneous indigenous and poor citizens into an imagined national community based on the ideal of a shared historical memory embedded on a readable landscape.


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