Populist Social Movements of the Great Recession*

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paris Aslanidis

Social movement scholars have thus far failed to give populism its deserved attention and to incorporate it into their field of study. Although sociologists, political scientists, and historians have explored diverse facets of the intersection of populism and social dissent, there has been no concerted effort towards building a comprehensive framework for the study of populist mobilization, despite its growing significance in the past decades. In this article I combine insights from populism studies, social movement scholarship, and social psychology to build a unified framework of analysis for populist social movements. I suggest populism is best understood as a collective action frame employed by movement entrepreneurs to construct a resonant collective identity of “the People” and to challenge elites. I argue that populism depends on the politicization of citizenship, and I apply this framework to the movements of the Great Recession to classify Occupy Wall Street and the European indignados as instances of a populist wave of mobilization, using data from archival material and a set of semistructured interviews with Greek activists.

Author(s):  
Eduardo Romanos

According to cross-national surveys, Spaniards are among the Europeans who participate the most in street protests. At the same time, Spanish social movements have been generally understood as deploying a less radical protest repertoire and a relatively weak organizational model. Building upon central concepts in social movement studies, this chapter analyses these and other features of the Spanish activist tradition as compared to other Western countries. An especial attention is paid to the strongest protest cycles in Spanish recent history: the years of the democratic transition and the Great Recession. In doing so, this chapter aims to address the long-term effects of regime transition on domestic collective action and organized protest.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-347
Author(s):  
Cassandra Engeman

How do economic conditions influence social movements' capacity to set legislative agendas? This research examines multiple efforts to expand family, medical, and sick leave policies in California across almost two decades spanning the Great Recession. Longitudinal analysis in a state with political conditions favorable to leave policy agendas permits close consideration of how varying economic conditions shape social movement influence in the policy process. Drawing from various qualitative sources, this research finds that, after the recession, leave bills were more often held in appropriations committees for their estimated costs to the state and anticipated pressures on funding sources. Weak economic conditions also shifted leave advocates' priorities away from leave policy issues toward maintaining public employment and services. The article advances social movement research by showing the mechanisms by which state fiscal capacity shapes social movement strategies and interacts with political conditions at the early, agenda-setting stages of the legislative process.


Author(s):  
Jesse Klein

Semantically, “activist” and “activism” are convenient descriptors for participants in social movements and are commonly used by social movement scholars. This study demonstrates, however, that these labels obscure the complex decisions participants make in negotiating their involvement. Few researchers examine the importance of deconstructing traditional assumptions of activist identities and the nuances in activist negotiation and identification. Using qualitative research methods, this paper explores whether social movement participants engage in complex identity negotiations wherein they interactionally situate and critically assess their involvement. This research draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 58 social movement participants from two local-level, contemporary social movements: The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street Movements. Respondents provided complex narratives about their activist and non-activist identities, which became apparent through analyzing the interviews using thematic coding. The findings show that respondents do negotiate their identities along a spectrum from activist to non-activist through interaction with other participants and critical assessment of their own involvement. These findings also reveal that the process of differential activist identification has short- and long-term implications for participant involvement and collective identity where disagreements over the activist label can fracture the organization and sustainability of a movement. By assessing the ways movement participants identify with activism and how they use their identification through interaction to promote or deconstruct group solidarity, we can begin to explore the consequences of this type of identity politics for contemporary social movements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-584
Author(s):  
Tiago Carvalho

Over the last decade, Spain became one of the global hotspots for social movement contestation. The emergence of the 15M movement, or Indignados, was of significance not only in Spain, where it gave rise to the longest wave of mobilisation since the transition to the democracy but also internationally as its practices, repertoires and discourses became the blueprint for Occupy movements around the world. In Spain, the Indignados movement unleashed protest potential that transformed mobilisations between 2011 and 2014. The potency of these protests led to a shift in the public debate and the emergence of new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos. The 15M was not only a consequence of austerity under the Great Recession. It also transformed democracy, bringing to the fore new frames and repertoires that impacted institutional politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gaby ◽  
Neal Caren

Social movement scholars have considered several political and cultural consequences of social movements, but have paid limited attention to whether and how social movements shape discourse. We develop a theory of discursive eruption, referring to the ability of radical movements to initially ignite media coverage but not control the content once other actors— particularly those that can take advantage of journalistic norms—enter the discourse. We hold that one long-term outcome of radical social movements is the ability to alter discursive fields through mechanisms such as increasing the salience and content of movement-based issues. We examine the way movements shape discourse by focusing on newspaper articles about inequality before, during, and after the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement. We analyze changes in the salience and content of coverage as well as shifts in actor standing and influence. Using 7,024 articles from eight newspapers, we find that the OWS movement increased media attention to inequality, shifting the focus of the discourse toward movement-based issue areas (e.g., the middle class and minimum wage). Further, we find that compared to the pre-OWS period, the influence of social movement organizations and think tanks rose in discourse on inequality. In addition, the discourse on inequality became more highly politicized as a result of the Occupy movement. These findings highlight the importance of social movements in shaping discourse and indicate that social movement scholars should further consider discursive changes as a consequence of social movements.


Author(s):  
James P. Ziliak

I examine trends in the material well-being of working-class households using data from the Current Population Survey in the two decades surrounding the Great Recession. In the years leading up to the Great Recession, average earnings, homeownership, and insurance coverage all fell, and absolute poverty and food insecurity accelerated. After-tax incomes were, for the most part, stagnant. The economic hemorrhaging either abated or reversed, however, in the decade after the Great Recession, especially for the least skilled and for households headed by a Hispanic person. This includes robust earnings growth, which led to declines in earnings inequality, absolute poverty, and food insecurity, coupled with increased insurance coverage and a modest rebound in after-tax incomes. As many of these recent advances likely stalled with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, I discuss various policy options.


Author(s):  
Fenaba R. Addo ◽  
William A. Darity

What does it mean to be working class in a society of extreme racial wealth inequality? Using data from the Survey of Consumer Finances, we investigate the wealth holdings of Black, Latinx, and white working-class households during the post–Great Recession (pre–COVID-19) period that spanned 2010 to 2019. We then explore the relationship between working-class and middle-class attainment using a wealth-based metric. We find that, in terms of their net worth, fewer Black working-class households benefitted from the economic recovery than white working-class households. Among white households, the working class saw the greatest increase in wealth in both absolute and relative terms. Working-class households were less likely to be middle class as defined by their wealth holdings, and Black and Latinx households were also less likely to be middle class. For Black households, racial identity is a stronger predictor of wealth attainment than occupational sector.


2020 ◽  
pp. 258-274
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Hewitt

This chapter turns to the twenty-first century to study the implications of narrative form to the representation of contemporary fiscal catastrophe. It argues that the legacy of the narrative dispute between the Hamiltonians and Jeffersonians can be seen in contemporary explanations of the Great Recession, including the 2011 report generated by the National Commission on the Causes of the Financial and Economic Crisis and two Hollywood films, The Wolf of Wall Street and The Big Short. All three texts are shaped by both the imperative to represent the complexity of global finance and the impulse to offer a simple explanation.


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