scholarly journals China-Latin America and the Caribbean Relationships: History, Aspects and Implications

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Emilio Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Difference ◽  
First World ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

According to reports from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in 2014, China became the first world power ousting the United States. This growth implies the need for access to a large amount of energy resources and raw materials. While in the past China was able to be self-sufficient, this is now impossible because the difference between what China consumes and what it produces is widening. For this reason, it is necessary for Beijing to carry out foreign relationships and policies that will enable it to meet its own needs. It is in Africa and in Latin America and the Caribbean where, over the last few decades, China has focused and directed its foreign policy. The aim of this paper is to provide a historical overview of the relations between<br />China and Latin America and the Caribbean, to<br />analyze the different aspects into which they are<br />divided, to identify similarities and differences<br />between China's relationships with Africa and<br />with Latin America and to assess the implications<br />that these relationships could have for other<br />countries and regions of the world.

THE RACIAL UNCONSCIOUS OF ASSIMILATION THEORY1

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon-Kie Jung
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Assimilation Theory ◽  
Segmented Assimilation ◽  
Oppositional Culture ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Caribbean

AbstractIn the past two decades, migration scholars have revised and revitalized assimilation theory to study the large and growing numbers of migrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean and their offspring in the United States. Neoclassical and segmented assimilation theories seek to make sense of the current wave of migration that differs in important ways from the last great wave at the turn of the twentieth century and to overcome the conceptual shortcomings of earlier theories of assimilation that it inspired. This article examines some of the central assumptions and arguments of the new theories. In particular, it undertakes a detailed critique of their treatment of race and finds that they variously engage in suspect comparisons to past migration from Europe; read out or misread the qualitatively different historical trajectories of European and non-European migrants; exclude native-born Blacks from the analysis; fail to conceptually account for the key changes that are purported to facilitate “assimilation”; import the dubious concept of the “underclass” to characterize poor urban Blacks and others; laud uncritically the “culture” of migrants; explicitly or implicitly advocate the “assimilation” of migrants; and discount the political potential of “oppositional culture.” Shifting the focus fromdifferencetoinequalityanddomination, the article concludes with a brief proposal for reorienting our theoretical approach, fromassimilationto thepolitics of national belonging.

Rethinking US Interests in the Western Hemisphere

1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Abraham F. Lowenthal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
World Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Difficulty ◽  
The World ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Latin American And Caribbean

The Countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, and consequently their relations with the United States, have changed considerably during the past 25 years. Latin American and Caribbean nations are more populous, urban, industrialized, organized, and assertive than they were a generation ago. Even in a period of extensive economic difficulty, Latin America's nations are today more prosperous than in 1960. Most are better integrated into the world economy and are much more involved in international politics.

The Concept of the Caribbean in the Latin American Policy of the United States

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-308
Author(s):  
Harold Molineu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The Past ◽  
Caribbean Area ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
Special Region

During the past twenty years, the United States has been involved in three cases of armed intervention in Latin America: Guatemala in 1954, Cuba in 1961, and the Dominican Republic in 1965. In addition, there was the naval blockade and possibility of intervention in Cuba in 1962 during the missile crisis. Each of these episodes occurred in the Caribbean region (defined as including those areas either in or adjacent to the Caribbean Sea). There were no similar armed interventions elsewhere in Latin America during this period, and in fact, all of the incidents of United States armed intervention in the Twentieth Century have taken place in the Caribbean area. Therefore, in its actions in Latin America, the United States appears to distinguish between the Caribbean area and the rest of the continent. The Caribbean is treated as a special region where military intervention is apparently more justifiable than elsewhere in Latin America. Only in the area outside the Caribbean has Washington found it possible to abide by its inter-American treaty commitments to nonintervention.

The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: A New Approach to Economic Growth

1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger B. Porter
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
New Approach ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
Worldwide Phenomenon ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
President Bush

On 27 June 1990, President Bush launched the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative as a part of his longstanding interest in encouraging democracy and economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean. Impressed by political and economic events in Latin America, he felt a new approach was needed to help advance prosperity throughout the region.Recent events in the Western Hemisphere are part of a worldwide phenomenon. The past 18 months have witnessed enormous economic and political change.These changes are almost universally positive and, not least, are being achieved peacefully. Indicative of these changes is the assertion by Charles William Maynes that in the future “economists will be more important than geopoliticians [and] diplomats more critical than warriors” (Maynes, 1990). There is a fresh, dynamic attitude around the world that views change optimistically, not fearfully.

scholarly journals Global Journey to Post-Pandemic Normalcy and Revival

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (Spring/Summer) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Andrzej Sankowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Herd Immunity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The Caribbean

After a year of COVID-19, countries, societies, and individuals are longing for normalcy and beginning to consider what life will be like post-pandemic. Efforts and experiences of countries in the European Union, Asia, Asia-Pacific, Australia, Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the United States are examined as they face challenges to end the pandemic and prepare for the post-pandemic reality. What will be the post-pandemic "new normalcy"? What changes caused by the pandemic are permanent in societies and the world? What are the necessary reforms that have to take place as part of normalcy? Reflections on the impacts of vaccinations, herd immunity, societal improvements and reorganizations, trends, and actions in the post-COVID-19 world are discussed.

Remaking Retirement

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
Older Workers ◽  
Older Persons ◽  
The United States ◽  
Older Population ◽  
The Past ◽  
Cost Of Education ◽  
The World ◽  
Low Interest Rates ◽  
Key Aspects

Around the world, people nearing and entering retirement are holding ever-greater levels of debt than in the past. This is not a benign situation, as many pre-retirees and retirees are stressed about their indebtedness. Moreover, this growth in debt among the older population may render retirees vulnerable to financial shocks, medical care bills, and changes in interest rates. Contributors to this volume explore key aspects of the rise in debt across older cohorts, drill down into the types of debt and reasons for debt incurred by the older population, and review policies to remedy some of the financial problems facing older persons, in the United States and elsewhere. The authors explore which groups are most affected by debt, and they also identify the factors causing this important increase in leverage at older ages. It is clear that the economic and market environments are influential when it comes to saving and debt. Access to easy borrowing, low interest rates, and the rising cost of education have had important impacts on how much people borrow, and how much debt they carry at older ages. In this environment, the capacity to manage debt is ever more important as older workers lack the opportunity to recover for mistakes.

Latin America and the League of Nations

1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Percy Alvin Martin
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Treaty Of Versailles ◽  
Post War ◽  
International Status

To students of international relations it has become almost a commonplace that among the most significant and permanent results of the World War has been the changed international status of the republics of Latin America. As a result of the war and post-war developments in these states, the traditional New World isolation in South America, as well as in North America, is a thing of the past. To our leading sister republics is no longer applicable the half-contemptuous phrase, current in the far-off days before 1914, that Latin America stands on the margin of international life. The new place in the comity of nations won by a number of these states is evidenced—to take one of the most obvious examples—by the raising of the legations of certain non-American powers to the rank of embassies, either during or immediately after the war. In the case of Brazil, for instance, where prior to 1914 only the United States maintained an ambassador, at the present time Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, Portugal, and Japan maintain diplomatic representatives of this rank.Yet all things considered one of the most fruitful developments in the domain of international relations has been the share taken by our southern neighbors in the work of the League of Nations. All of the Latin American republics which severed relations with Germany or declared war against that country were entitled to participate in the Peace Conference. As a consequence, eleven of these states affixed their signatures to the Treaty of Versailles, an action subsequently ratified in all cases except Ecuador.

Performing National Identity in the Interwar Period: The Sarrasani Circus in Germany and Latin America

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-201
Author(s):  
Sabine Hanke
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
National Image ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The University ◽  
First World

This article examines the production and promotion of popular entertainments by the German Sarrasani Circus during the interwar period and how they were used to establish specific national narratives in Germany and Latin America. Focusing particularly on its engagement of Lakota performers, it argues that the Circus acted as an active negotiator of national concerns within and beyond Germany’s borders, and presented the group as ‘familiar natives’ in order to appeal to local and national ideas of Germanness. At the same time, it shows that the performers pursued their own interests in becoming international and cosmopolitan performers, thereby challenging the assimilation forced upon their traditions and culture by institutions in the United States. Finally, it demonstrates how foreign propaganda built on the Circus’s national image in Latin America to restore Germany’s international relations after the First World War. Sabine Hanke is a lecturer in Modern History at the University of Duisberg-Essen. Her research examines the German and British interwar circus. She was recently awarded her PhD in cultural history, from which this article has evolved, at the University of Sheffield. A chapter based on her research is scheduled for publication in Circus Histories and Theories, ed. Nisha P.R. and Melon Dilip (Oxford University Press).

scholarly journals La contrebande des produits du tabac au Canada entre 1985 et 1994 et le cas particulier du Québec

Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Alain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Eastern Canada ◽  
Mass Consumption ◽  
Cigarette Taxes ◽  
Geographical Factors ◽  
The World ◽  
The Difference

The professional smuggling of mass consumption products develops when demand for a product is not adequately fulfilled by the legitimate market. The difficulties encountered in supplying are, in most contemporary cases, caused by real rarity of the desired product. For other cases, however, the rarity is largely virtual in that government taxes aimed at the product in question lead to increasing the product's price to a prohibitive end. This was the case with cigarettes in Canada between 1985 and 1994. Before both, the federal and provincial, governments decided to drastically decrease cigarette taxes in February 1994, the price for a pack of cigarettes was five to six times higher than the same product in the United States. This article begins with a brief review of the contribution made by economists in regard to contemporary smuggling. Focus will be aimed at common characteristics of the smuggling phenomenon across the world. Elements which are more particular to the Canadian smuggling situation will be identified as well. While the difference in the price of cigarettes between Canada and the United States would seem to be the undeniable driving force behind the development of smuggling activities at the countries ' border, one key question remains unexplained. Why was the volume of contraband unequally distributed across Canada even though the price of cigarettes remained largely consistent throughout all provinces? The level of organization of smuggling networks was much higher in Eastern Canada, and particularly in Quebec, than it was in the western provinces. It is argued that the reasons for this are not only due to price, but to a series of political, historical, and geographical factors which allowed cigarette smugglers to function better in Quebec than in the rest of the country.

Accepting Regional Zero: Nuclear Weapon Free Zones, U.S. Nonproliferation Policy and Global Security, 1957–1968

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Stocker
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Nuclear Weapon ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Nonproliferation ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

Nuclear weapon free zones (NWFZs) were an important development in the history of nuclear nonproliferation efforts. From 1957 through 1968, when the Treaty of Tlatelolco was signed, the United States struggled to develop a policy toward NWFZs in response to efforts around the world to create these zones, including in Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many within the U.S. government initially rejected the idea of NWFZs, viewing them as a threat to U.S. nuclear strategy. However, over time, a preponderance of officials came to see the zones as advantageous, at least in certain areas of the world, particularly Latin America. Still, U.S. policy pertaining to this issue remained conservative and reactive, reflecting the generally higher priority given to security policy than to nuclear nonproliferation.

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