scholarly journals The Debates on the Homicide Rate of the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-141
Author(s):  
Youngsoo Bae
PEDIATRICS ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-842
Author(s):  
Murray A. Straus

Most of the world's societies are violent in the sense that they have high rates of physical assault, homicide, and war. The United States (US) is the most violent of the advanced industrial societies. The current US homicide rate of 8.5 per 100 000 is three times the Canadian rate of 2.3 per 100 000, and about eight times the rate of Western European countries. Nevertheless, many societies are even more violent. The Mexican homicide rate of 19.4 is more than double that of the US, and the rate for the cities of Columbia (110.4 per 100 000) is more than ten times higher. Most of the world's societies also bring up children violently through the use of corporal punishment. Perhaps the correspondence between the preponderance of violence and that of corporal punishment is just a coincidence. Obviously, corporal punishment and assaults and murders differ in severity, and also in the cultural definition that makes one legitimate and the other criminal. However, there is also a correspondence between the behavior involved in corporal punishment and the behavior involved in criminal assaults and homicides that is seldom perceived. Everyone understands that corporal punishment is carried out to correct or control misbehavior. What is not understood is that almost all assaults by adults and about two thirds of homicides are also carried out to correct what the offender perceives as misbehavior. Typical examples include a confrontation between two men over a loan of $50 that is to be paid back in 1 week.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 757-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Douglas ◽  
Jennifer Vanderminden

Annually, over a thousand children are the victims of homicide in the United States Homicide among younger children, 0–9 years of age, is usually perpetrated by parents and caregivers. Researchers neither have tracked changes in the homicide rate among young children over time nor have they used theory to understand what factors may drive these changes. In this analysis of state-level data, we used longitudinal growth modeling and ecological theory to examine changes in homicide rate against children aged 0–9 years from 1979 to 2007. Our results indicate that states are relatively consistent, over time, in their homicide rates. Furthermore, a cultural context of criminal and risky behavior is positively associated with homicide against children. We discuss implications for future research and prevention.


1990 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-93

Violence and its consequences of injury and death pose major threats to the health of youth in America. The United States has the highest homicide rate in the industrialized world: 10 times higher than in England, 25 times higher than in Spain. Older teenagers and young adults are the only age groups in the United States with rising mortality rates, and violence is a major contributor to this trend. The highest rate of death from violence occurs among young black men. Most of these deaths are the result of intraracial attacks, countering the impression fostered by the media that most attacks are interracial.


1989 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick W. O’Carroll ◽  
James A. Mercy

Scientists have long been interested in the fact that the South has consistently had the highest crude homicide rates in the United States. Past investigations, however, have generally been predicated on the assumption that this geographic pattern was not attributable to or substantially altered by the age or race structures of the populations being compared. In this study, we calculated age-adjusted homicide rates for each of three race categories—white, black, and other—for each state and region in the United States in 1980. We found that for each race group, homicide rates were highest, not in the South, but in the West. Moreover, homicide rates for blacks were lower in the South than in any other region of the country. We infer that, for 1980 at least, the high crude homicide rate in the South results from the mutual effect of two factors: (1) blacks have very high homicide rates compared with whites, and (2) blacks make up a larger proportion of the population in the South than in other regions of the country. It remains to be determined whether the age-adjusted, race-stratified rates of past decades also show this pattern.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-254
Author(s):  
Ryan D. King ◽  
Denise Obinna

This research describes and explains changes in non-citizen deportations from the United States between 1908 and 1986. Using data from historical immigration yearbooks, we first document and quantify the primary reasons given for removing immigrants from U.S. soil. A key finding is that perceived dispositional defects and threatening behavior (e.g., criminal behavior, mental or physical defects) accounted for a large proportion of deportations in the early 20th century, but these gave way to administrative rationales (e.g., improper documentation) as immigration law and the enforcement bureaucracy expanded. Results of time-series analyses further suggest that the homicide rate is correlated with deportations for administrative reasons and with deportations based on perceived dispositional defects and threatening behavior. Implications and relevance for understanding current immigration debates are discussed.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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