scholarly journals Una lección sobre la justicia como equidad de John Rawls

Author(s):  
José María Martínez de Pisón Cavero

John Rawls es uno de los más notables y controvertidos pensadores de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Su libro A Theory of Justice (1971) ha revitalizado la reflexión moral y política al tratar y analizar conceptos y cuestiones tan relevantes como la noción de justicia, de igualdad, de libertad, un modelo de sociedad democrática pluralista y tolerante, la desobediencia civil y la objeción de conciencia, etc. La influencia de Rawls como representante del “igualitarismo liberal” en el actual panorama del pensamiento político es, pues, considerable, sobre todo a partir de su proyecto de releer todas estas cuestiones guiado por clásicos tan renombrados como J. Locke, J. J. Rousseau e I. Kant. No debe extrañar por ello que haya sido objeto de numerosos comentarios.

Discusiones ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-54
Author(s):  
René González de la Vega

El presente trabajo versa sobre la pregunta en torno a la compatibilidad que puede haber entre el ideal moral de la tolerancia y la estructura de razonamiento práctico defendida por el liberalismo deontológico. En concreto, me refiero específicamente a la versión de esta clase de liberalismo que surgió a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX con la publicación de A Theory of Justice de John Rawls; donde encontramos un desarrollo de la idea de tolerancia y el papel que desempeña en la resolución de conflictos prácticos.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Aranda Fraga

Bajo una fuerte influencia de la herencia kantiana, predominante en gran parte de la ética del siglo XX, Rawls diseña una teoría de la justicia cuya máxima pretensión es la de ser imparcial, teoría mediante la cual intenta refutar a las dos corrientes éticas predominantes en su tiempo: utilitarismo e intuicionismo. El neocontractualismo de John Rawls surge en el espectro de la filosofía política contemporánea como un liberalismo de base amplia, cuya principal finalidad es brindar un marco pluralista, capaz de regular la impartición de justicia en una sociedad bien ordenada. En la concepción rawlsiana, la prioridad de lo justo sobre lo bueno estaría denotando una voluntad de asumir una opción de la ética y de la justicia amplia y concurrente, pero carente de teoría moral sustantiva, acorde con el espíritu de una época vacía de contenidos antropológicos capaces de explicar con propiedad la realidad humana y social.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-195

Fairness in income distribution is a factor that both motivates employees and contributes to maintaining social stability. In Vietnam, fair income distribution has been studied from various perspectives. In this article, through the analysis and synthesis of related documents and evidence, and from the perspective of economic philosophy, the author applies John Rawls’s Theory of Justice as Fairness to analyze some issues arising from the implementation of the state’s role in ensuring fair income distribution from 1986 to present. These are unifying the perception of fairness in income distribution; solving the relationship between economic efficiency and social equality; ensuring benefits for the least-privileged people in society; and controlling income. On that basis, the author makes some recommendations to enhance the state’s role in ensuring fair income distribution in Vietnam. Received 11thNovember 2019; Revised 10thApril 2020; Accepted 20th April 2020


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Guillermo Mastrini
Keyword(s):  
Siglo Xx ◽  

Este texto analiza la trayectoria que la Economía Política de la Comunicación (EPC) y sus principales autores, tanto americanos como europeos, han ido experimentando desde mediados del siglo XX. Habla de cómo la parte crucial de la EPC es desentrañar las lógicas políticas, económicas y sociales presentes en las industrias culturales; y de cómo el concepto de industrias culturales se torna clave en todo el desarrollo de esta perspectiva. Incluso desde antes del nacimiento de la EPC, el desarrollo conceptual que ofrecen Horkheimer y Adorno de la industria cultural es imprescindible para el desarrollo de la teoría. Desde un análisis crítico, la EPC se convierte en esencial sobre todo desde que el sector de la comunicación ha incrementando su participación en la economía mundial. La aparición de ‘journals’ o la consolidación de secciones específicas de EPC en los encuentros internacionales (IAMCR) así lo demuestra. Más adelante, la incursión del término industria creativa (popularizado por el gobierno de Tony Blair en 2000) ha sido muy criticado por los principales teóricos de la EPC. Pero hoy en día, se plantea la necesidad de nuevas visiones y nuevos abordajes de análisis tomando los nuevos conceptos de industrias culturales y creativas como una de las posibles puertas de entrada para aproximarse al fenómeno comunicacional, pero teniendo la precaución de no generalizar ni de borrar la especificidad de la cultura.


1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 607-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Van Dyke

In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls assumes that the principles of justice are for individuals in a society, and in general he assumes that the society is an ethnically homogeneous state. He thus follows the tradition associated with the dominant form of the social contract theory, which focuses on the individual and the state. His assumptions neglect the fact that almost all states are ethnically plural or heterogeneous, and that many of them confer special status and rights on ethnic groups as collective entities; for example, many of them confer special status and rights on indigenous groups, on groups disadvantaged by prior discrimination, and on minorities and other groups conceded a right to survive as distinct cultural entities. Status and rights for groups necessarily mean differentiation among individuals depending on their membership; and this in turn means that a theory of justice that focuses on the individual and neglects the group both fails to account for existing practices and fails to give guidance where the practices are at issue.


2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Koppelman

AbstractConstructivist political theory, championed most prominently by John Rawls, builds up a conception of justice from the minimal requirements of political life. It has two powerful attractions. It promises a kind of civic unity in the face of irresolvable differences about the good life. It also offers a foundation for human rights that is secure in the face of those same differences. The very parsimony that is its strength, however, deprives it of the resources to condemn some atrocities. Because it focuses on the political aspect of persons, it has difficulty cognizing violence done to those aspects of the person that are not political, preeminently the body. Constructivism thus can be only a part of an acceptable theory of justice.


Author(s):  
Fernando Aranda Fraga ◽  

In 1993 John Rawls published his main and longest work since 1971, where he had published his reknowned A Theory of Justice, book that made him famous as the greatest political philosopher of the century. We are referring to Political Liberalism, a summary of his writings of the 80’s and the first half of the 90’s, where he attempts to answer the critics of his intellectual partners, communitarian philosophers. One of the key topics in this book is the issue of “public reason”, whose object is nothing else than public good, and on which the principles and proceedings of justice are to be applied. The book was so important for the political philosophy of the time that in 1997 Rawls had to go through the 1993 edition, becoming this new one the last relevant writing published before the death of the Harvard philosopher in November 2002.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Bede Xavier Harris ◽  
Elizabeth Pearl Harris

The interpretation given by the courts to the word ‘matter’ in sections 75 and 76 of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution, and the restrictive approach taken by the courts to what amounts to a sufficient interest in a matter, have led to the consequence that only litigants who can demonstrate a personal interest can bring an action to challenge a breach of the Constitution. This provides insufficient protection for constitutionalism because it means that the enforcement of the Constitution is contingent on there being a self-interested applicant who will bring an action – and, conversely, creates the risk that breaches of the Constitution will be allowed to stand in cases where those who do have standing find it in their political interests to refrain from taking action. With its focus on personal interest, the current approach excludes the altruistic applicant and runs counter to the theory that all citizens have a right to ensure that the Constitution is complied with. This paper examines the way in which the actio popularis of Roman law served the ideal of the engaged citizen by enabling citizens to initiate legal action to enforce public duties, and how modern equivalents of the actio in a number of jurisdictions achieve the same purpose. The paper draws on John Rawls’ theory of justice in arguing for reform of the law on standing in Australia so as to confer open standing in constitutional cases.


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