scholarly journals The Adoption of Crowdfunding by Indonesia's Political Party: A Case Study on Partai Solidaritas Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Savanid Vatanasakdakul ◽  
Muhamad Fatih Azka
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Miran Milosevic

<p>The study of integration policy is of particular relevance in an increasingly globalised world, since integration policy was shown to be important to the maintenance of social cohesion of immigrant receiving host societies (Papillon 2002, p. iii, Schugurensky 2003, pp.11-12, Friessen 2003, pp.187-191). This thesis sought to examine the fit of two explanatory theoretical models in explaining integration policy outcomes in two case study states, Ireland and New Zealand, during the period 1995-2006. More specifically, the thesis tried to determine whether the influence of the model of national membership adopted in each study case (civic membership in the New Zealand case and ethno cultural membership in the case of the Republic of Ireland) was able to anticipate the correct outcomes with regard to integration policies adopted during the study period, or whether political party positioning on socio economic lines was more important in anticipating integration policy outcomes. This assessment was conduct in light of apparent ‘fit’ of the respective theoretical models in each study case to integration policies enacted during the study period, in order to determine whether the theories that seem to fit the best anticipate the correct outcomes in each study case.  This was a salient question in light of the dichotomy in integration policy approaches in the two study states. Notwithstanding that both New Zealand and Ireland were immigrant receiving states during the study period, there was a marked difference between New Zealand’s approach to integration policy formulation and that of Ireland. New Zealand’s approach to integration policy was well structured and became more developed, while Ireland did not have a cohesive integration policy during the study period, relying instead on a reactionary approach composed of a collection of policy statements and ‘ad hoc’, reactionary policies.  As noted briefly above, the two theoretical models that were assessed for fit against outcomes in integration policies in the study states were the Brubaker theory of membership and the theory of political party positioning along the socio-economic left/right axis. The Brubaker theory suggests that integration policies are the outcome of national membership models (i.e. a civic or ethno cultural conception of national belonging), whilst the theory of party positioning along socio-economic lines suggests that integration policies are based on the influence of socio economic political party ideology. An investigation was made of the fit of the Brubaker membership models against that of the socio economic political ideology models in predicting integration policy outcomes in each respective case study. In addition, an examination of the interaction between the two explanatory theories was conducted, and an assessment made of whether this interaction had an impact on integration policy formulation. In exploring the interaction between two competing explanations for integration policy outcomes, this thesis aimed to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding for the reasons of the divergence in the approach to integration policy in the two case study states, and also a better understanding of the factors impacting on integration policy in general.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Miran Milosevic

<p>The study of integration policy is of particular relevance in an increasingly globalised world, since integration policy was shown to be important to the maintenance of social cohesion of immigrant receiving host societies (Papillon 2002, p. iii, Schugurensky 2003, pp.11-12, Friessen 2003, pp.187-191). This thesis sought to examine the fit of two explanatory theoretical models in explaining integration policy outcomes in two case study states, Ireland and New Zealand, during the period 1995-2006. More specifically, the thesis tried to determine whether the influence of the model of national membership adopted in each study case (civic membership in the New Zealand case and ethno cultural membership in the case of the Republic of Ireland) was able to anticipate the correct outcomes with regard to integration policies adopted during the study period, or whether political party positioning on socio economic lines was more important in anticipating integration policy outcomes. This assessment was conduct in light of apparent ‘fit’ of the respective theoretical models in each study case to integration policies enacted during the study period, in order to determine whether the theories that seem to fit the best anticipate the correct outcomes in each study case.  This was a salient question in light of the dichotomy in integration policy approaches in the two study states. Notwithstanding that both New Zealand and Ireland were immigrant receiving states during the study period, there was a marked difference between New Zealand’s approach to integration policy formulation and that of Ireland. New Zealand’s approach to integration policy was well structured and became more developed, while Ireland did not have a cohesive integration policy during the study period, relying instead on a reactionary approach composed of a collection of policy statements and ‘ad hoc’, reactionary policies.  As noted briefly above, the two theoretical models that were assessed for fit against outcomes in integration policies in the study states were the Brubaker theory of membership and the theory of political party positioning along the socio-economic left/right axis. The Brubaker theory suggests that integration policies are the outcome of national membership models (i.e. a civic or ethno cultural conception of national belonging), whilst the theory of party positioning along socio-economic lines suggests that integration policies are based on the influence of socio economic political party ideology. An investigation was made of the fit of the Brubaker membership models against that of the socio economic political ideology models in predicting integration policy outcomes in each respective case study. In addition, an examination of the interaction between the two explanatory theories was conducted, and an assessment made of whether this interaction had an impact on integration policy formulation. In exploring the interaction between two competing explanations for integration policy outcomes, this thesis aimed to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding for the reasons of the divergence in the approach to integration policy in the two case study states, and also a better understanding of the factors impacting on integration policy in general.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.


Author(s):  
Elastus Mambwe

In Africa, music remains the arena where the commingling of political and artistic expressions has thrived, even in countries with high levels of control and censorship. This blend of music and politics is perhaps most evident in the modern era where music is increasingly being used for political messaging during election campaigns. This chapter delves into the discursive role of music in election campaigns from an African perspective, using Zambia as a case study, and more specifically through the lens of the Patriotic Front, the country's largest political party, which effectively used musical lyrics to win the presidency and consolidate its power.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ishiyama ◽  
Anna Batta

How do the features of a rebel group and the external political environment interact to affect the internal dynamics within a rebel group after it transforms into a political party? In this paper we combine literature on organizational change in parties in new democracies with the emerging literature on rebel group-to-party transformation, to develop a framework by which to understand these dynamics. Using the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) as a case study, we find that the legacies of the conflict, the organizational legacies of the rebel group, and the post civil war incentives for electoral gain, create political cleavages within parties that generate considerable organizational centripetal pressures, pressures that will need to be accommodated in new party organizational structures.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
George M. Bob-Milliar

ABSTRACTCompetition for the executive leadership of a political party and the distribution of state patronage in Ghana is influenced by factional alignments and group interests. In December 2008 the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regained political power, and within months rifts appeared over the allocation of ministerial portfolios. The intra-party murmurings became public when two factions supported rival candidacies for the party's presidential nomination. The pro-Rawlings faction supported the candidacy of Nana Konadu Agyemang-Rawlings, and the anti-Rawlings bloc backed President John Evans Atta Mills. Drawing on Boucek's (2009) typology of factionalism, this article argues that factionalism within the NDC is a dynamic and complex process of informal groupings competing and jockeying for power to satisfy members' interests. It draws three conclusions: party factions are ad hoc groupings that are nurtured into a power bloc, and are constellated around particular individuals; factional conflicts are not rooted in ideology, but are based on differences in policy goals, interests and patronage; and, finally, factionalism fluctuates between cooperative and competitive phases.


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