scholarly journals Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 691-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Lap-ming Wai ◽  
Foong Ha Yap

Politicians frequently face adversarial questions during election time. They often provide evasive replies to veer away from the controversial issues, but such equivocation also distances them from the audience. To deal with this problem, politicians often use the inclusive ‘we’ to identify themselves with the interest of the general public when they equivocate, or they sometimes use the exclusive ‘we’ to shift the responsibility of controversial policies to their political parties. The choice of inclusive versus exclusive ‘we’ in equivocation is not random but is governed by contextual factors, for example, the speech topic, the politician’s affiliation (if any) and the political system within a given culture. In Hong Kong, the Chief Executive Election candidates often do not belong to any political party. In this article, we examine how this unique contextual factor affects the choice of inclusive and exclusive ‘we’ in the evasive replies of politicians in the 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election debates.


Author(s):  
Rudy B. Andeweg ◽  
David M. Farrell

This chapter discusses the decline of political parties as a possible cause of the decline of legitimacy. Political parties constitute a link between the citizens and the political system, and therefore a loss of support could delegitimize the political system. However, the decline of political parties can only cause legitimacy decline if they are indeed in decline and if there is a causal relationship between citizens’ involvement in political parties and political support. The chapter argues that empirical evidence for party decline is limited, as parties may have undergone transformation rather than decline. Using ESS data from 2002 to 2010, the chapter finds only weak relations between political support and party membership and party closeness. However, being close to a particular party is more important than being a member of a political party, and is interpreted as a sign that the party system facilitates citizens in making meaningful political choices.


Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand

This chapter deals with political parties: why they emerged, how they can be classified, what functions they perform, how they interact, and what challenges they are facing today. One of the paradoxes about democracies is that there is almost a unanimous consensus about the indispensability of political parties. On the other hand, the benefits of being a member of a political party are bound to be minuscule compared to the costs of membership. Thus it is irrational for people to join parties. They should only form (small) interest groups. The chapter first provides a historical background on the development of political parties before discussing their functions, such as legitimation of the political system, structuring the popular vote, and formulation of public policy. It then considers different types of political parties as well as the characteristics of party systems and concludes with an analysis of the problems facing political parties today.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.


1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 267-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.A. Wiswa WarNapala

The comparative parliamentary stability which Sri Lanka has been experiencing in the last three decades has been attributed to the strength of the country's political system. Some observers refer to “the survival of something close to a two-party parliamentary system, where the two major political parties, more often in association with the fragmented Left and the disintegrating commimalist forces, compete for political power.”1 The electoral changes in the period 1956–77 explain the existence of a two party system unique in character; it was this phenomenon which assisted in the working of a comparatively stable political system in the island. Despite the divergent ideologies which the political parties professed, they perhaps were committed to the orthodox characteristics of the Westminster model. Marxists were even more adamant than their political enemies in insisting on the observance of the rules, procedures and conventions of the parliamentary game of politics.2 The 1977 electoral change and the subsequent political developments brought about a decline in the system of parliamentary government in Sri Lanka. The dim of this essay is to substantiate this view.


2020 ◽  
pp. 266-286
Author(s):  
Peter Ferdinand

This chapter deals with political parties: why they emerged, how they can be classified, what functions they perform, how they interact, and what challenges they are facing today. One of the paradoxes about democracies is that there is almost a unanimous consensus about the indispensability of political parties. On the other hand, the benefits of being a member of a political party are bound to be minuscule compared to the costs of membership. Thus it is irrational for people to join parties. They should only form (small) interest groups. The chapter first provides a historical background on the development of political parties before discussing their functions, such as legitimation of the political system, structuring the popular vote, and formulation of public policy. It then considers different types of political parties as well as the characteristics of party systems and concludes with an analysis of the problems facing political parties today.


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