scholarly journals Hate speech and manipulation as peculiarities of the modern political communication

Author(s):  
Alexander B. Alexeyev ◽  

In the modern world the so-called hate speech is gaining ground. It is particularly used within the framework of the political communication. This process is accompanied by the strengthening of the manipulative influence upon the society and it can be seen as one of its manifestations. Hate speech may precede serious social upheavals and revolutions but it can also be used as a method of enslavement of man by the all-powerful state creating the illusory enemies.

wisdom ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-47
Author(s):  
Emil Ordukhanyan

In modern world various transformations have an impact on social and political processes of the society. Even cultural changes somehow depend on these transformations. Therefore, social and political phenomena need new approaches for their study, where the political culture has its proper relevance. The article explores the theoretical and methodological foundations of political culture based on the analysis of foreign and Armenian scholars works. The behavioral, psychological, comparative and other approaches as well as methods of political culture analysis are examined. In a result of generalization of theoretical approaches and summarizing the outcomes obtained from a comparative analysis of political culture methodologies, we can define political culture as the aggregate of political ideas, knowledge, traditions and values; as a whole of political participation and behavior models; as a relatively stable link between political consciousness and socialization, between stages and levels of political communication tools and political institutions, which defines the political process and which is expressed through the political discourse.


Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrs’ka

The article is devoted to the analysis of political communication as a special kind of political relations; through which subjects dominate in politics regulate the production and distribution of socio-political ideas. In the modern world, political communication serves as an integral element of political governance, the success of the functioning of the entire political system of society depends on its quality. The author believes that modern political governance has a communicative nature, so political communication plays a leading role in the information society. This, in turn, leads to a change in the classical model of political governance, based on the coercion and legitimate legitimacy of violence by the communicative model of political governance. At the same time, information and communication technologies and the development of new means of communication directly change the system of relations between the state and society, including in the political sphere, which already influences the effectiveness of political management of society through traditional instruments, posing to the states and political institutions the problem of developing new approaches to political communication with the masses. The underestimation of the consequences of the introduction of modern information and communication technologies in everyday life can become a powerful factor in destabilizing the political system, associated with a sharp drop in the effectiveness of classical mass models of political governance.


2018 ◽  
pp. 118-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. B. Kleiner

The development of the system paradigm in economic science leads to the formulation of a number of important questions to the political economy as one of the basic directions of economic theory. In this article, on the basis of system introspection, three questions are considered. The first is the relevance of the class approach to the structuring of the socio-economic space; the second is the feasibility of revising the notion of property in the modern world; the third is the validity of the notion of changing formations as the sequence of “slave-owning system — feudal system — capitalist system”. It is shown that in modern society the system approach to the structuring of socio-economic space is more relevant than the class one. Today the classical notion of “property” does not reflect the diversity of production and economic relations in society and should be replaced by the notion of “system property”, which provides a significant expansion of the concepts of “subject of property” and “object of property”. The change of social formations along with the linear component has a more influential cyclic constituent and obeys the system-wide cyclic regularity that reflects the four-cycle sequence of the dominance of one of the subsystems of the macrosystem: project, object, environment and process.


Author(s):  
Валерия Игоревна Семенова

В данной статье автором рассматриваются особенности восприятия и понимания нетрадиционной религиозности, возможности диалога традиционных и нетрадиционных религий, перспективы их взаимоотношений, намечаются пути разрешения возможных конфликтов между ними. Особое внимание уделяется функционированию нетрадиционных религий в политическом пространстве, отношению к ним государства. In this article, the author examines the peculiarities of perception and understanding of non-traditional religiosity, the possibility of dialogue between traditional and non-traditional religions, the prospects for their relationship, and outlines ways to resolve possible conflicts between them. Special attention is paid to the functioning of non-traditional religions in the political space and the attitude of the state to them.


Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
John Anderson

This paper explores the way in which the music of John Adams responds to terrorism and looks at some of the controversies surrounding his work. It represents a reflection on how the musical and the political can interact in the modern world, engaging his work on the level of political dialogue.


Author(s):  
Ben Epstein

This chapter shifts the focus to the third and final stabilization phase of the political communication cycle (PCC). During the stabilization phase, a new political communication order (PCO) takes shape through the building of norms, institutions, and regulations that serve to fix the newly established status quo in place. This status quo occurs when formerly innovative political communication activities become mundane, yet remain powerful. Much of the chapter details the pattern of communication regulation and institution construction over time. In particular, this chapter explores the instructive similarities and key differences between the regulation of radio and the internet, which offers important perspectives on the significance of our current place in the PCC and the consequences of choices that will be made over the next few years.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Omilusi

Até alguns meses para as eleições gerais de 2015, muitos partidos políticos que hibernaram convenientemente por uma boa parte da sua existência, talvez devido à falta de estrutura organizacional adequada ou base de apoio, programas descoordenados ou por terem sido registrados por ganhos pecuniários, de repente começaram a aparecer no espaço político. O principal partido da oposição e o partido no poder estavam ou aperfeiçoando processos de fusão ou envolvidos em discussões internas, de modo que a comunicação com o eleitorado em questões fundamentais tornou-se inconsequente. Na verdade, os dois partidos dominantes, o Partido Popular Democrata e o Congresso Progressista Geral apenas lançaram seus candidatos presidenciais menos de cinco meses para as eleições; e a campanha eleitoral assumiu a contestação desesperada em um clima de preconceito e intolerância. Os discursos de ódio e a violência foram as características de suas campanhas eleitorais. As eleições gerais de 2015, portanto, oferecem um contexto único para interrogar o lugar da comunicação política do partido em uma democracia emergente e, especificamente, como as campanhas de ódio entre os gladiadores políticos/partidos conflitantes poderiam gerar violência e, se não domesticadas, descarrilar a consolidação democrática. Este artigo afirma que o discurso de ódio não é apenas inspirado por algumas circunstâncias sociais, mas também parte de um processo democrático geral. Isso atesta o fato de que os políticos nigerianos se tornaram mais desesperados e ousados em tomar e manter o poder político; e mais intolerantes à oposição, críticas e esforços para substituí-los. Baseando-se amplamente em fontes secundárias com a ajuda de ferramentas descritivas e narrativas, este ensaio conclui que a cultura política de um país determina o comportamento e a atitude da população em relação ao sistema político, e que a transição democrática de uma administração para outra, particularmente em democracias emergentes, muitas vezes foi acompanhada de violência promovida pelos desejos do partido político no poder para consolidar seus apelos ao poder e pelo interesse dos interessados em capturar o mesmo.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-414
Author(s):  
Andrés I. Prieto

The notion of accommodation, or the adaptation of one’s message to one’s audience, has been regarded as a central feature of the Jesuit way of proceeding at least since the seventeenth century. In recent years, scholars have come to understand accommodation as a rhetorical principle, which—while rooted in the rules of classical oratory—permeated all the works and ministries performed by the Jesuits of the Old Society. By comparing the theoretical notions about accommodation and the advantages and risks of adapting both the Christian message to native cultures and vice versa, this paper shows how and under what conditions the Jesuit missionaries were able to translate this rhetorical principle into a proselytizing praxis. By focusing on the examples of José de Acosta in Peru, Matteo Ricci in China, and of those Jesuits working in the missions in Paraguay and Chile, this essay will show how the needs in the missionary field superseded and overruled the theoretical requirements set beforehand. They revealed the ways in which the political and cultural context in which the missionaries operated determined the negotiations needed in order to achieve a common ground with their would-be converts if their mission was going to happen at all.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Predrag Pavlicevic

This article indicated a model for a scientific description of styles of political leadership in Serbia from 1990 to the present, more precisely, pointed the basic elements of concept developed by the author in the study ?The style of political leaders in Serbia in the period 1990-2006? (2010). For the evaluation the author uses analytical tools that include the aforementioned concept, simultaneously indicating correlative theoretical approaches the aforementioned study did not examine, and may be of importance for the research of political elites in Serbia. This contributes the epistemological part of the method, which is registered in the definition of the style of political leadership as a term and the category apparatus that follows - understood from the aspect of the political style: the style in building political power, the style of political communication, the style of building one?s legitimacy, the ideological style, the styles of political language, symbolism and rituals, non-verbal communication and style in expressing patriotism. Starting from the fact that political styles are related to characteristics of political cultures and that it is necessary to make a concept of ideal typical models of styles focused on political subjects, this article marked the styles of political leadership typology related to the specific acting of political leaders in Serbia: authoritarian, republican, realistic, populist, conformist, revolutionary and style of a politician-rebel.


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