scholarly journals LINGUISTIC IDENTITY AND THE IRISH POLITICAL CONFLICT IN BRIAN FRIEL'S TRANSLATIONS: A CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 587-595
Author(s):  
Amal Riyadh Kitishat ◽  
Majd Alkayid

Purpose of the study: The study will shed light on Friel's political and national doctrines. The premise of this paper is to define and address the politics of language and language role as a cultural marker in Friel's Translations (1980). The study aims at showing the cultural and political dimensions of linguistic identity. Methodology: The methodology adopted in this study is New Historicism. Friel related the historical and cultural context in Ireland to the political scene; the North Irish conflict in particular. Also, the study applied Post-Colonialism as a methodology since translation from Irish to English is not placed in a linguistic form; rather Friel sees it as a betrayal to the Irish national identity. Main Findings: The study proved Friel's Translations comes as an affirmation of Friel's cultural and political visions which presented Irish conflict in a dramatic form, yet it proclaims symptomatic employment of the political conflict in North Ireland. The study concludes that the recurrence of the national themes confirmed Friel's plain awareness of the national identity. Applications of this study: The findings of this study are useful for researchers who are interested in researching the relation between language and politics. Many politicians have carefully chosen certain expressions either to clarify or mislead people by their language. It would be relevant to investigate the pragmatical aspect of language about political situations. Novelty/Originality of this study: This study benefits researcher interested in tracing the cultural depth of the language where culture and politics are interrelated to form an independent identity. The importance of the study is related to its treatment of the issue of translation from the language of the colonized to the language of the colonizer as an act of treason to one's national identity.

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-249
Author(s):  
Catherine Arthur

Since regaining its independence in 2002, nation-building has been the focus of much scholarly research on Timor-Leste. National identity construction is a crucial aspect of this process, yet the ways in which this identity is officially represented has been largely overlooked. This article takes the national flag of Timor-Leste as a case study to explore the ways in which a historic East Timorese national identity has been symbolically constructed and visually embodied. By considering the potency of flags in an East Timorese cultural context, and by analysing the origins of Timor-Leste's flag alongside that of the political party Fretilin (Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente), it becomes clear that post-independence re-imaginings of its symbolism have rendered it a powerful national symbol in the contemporary nation-state.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Wójcik

The Portrayal of National Identity in the Films of Małgorzata SzumowskaMałgorzata Szumowska is without a doubt one of a few Polish directors who has managed to distinguish herself on the European film market. Although, Szumowska is a cosmopolitan (in Ulf Hannerz’s terms), she does not forget about her Polish origins. On the contrary, she emphasizes contemporary Polish identity of her protagonists and Polishness in itself but does it from the external perspective. In her feature films, Małgorzata Szumowska defines Polish identity, according to Antonina Kłoskowska’s theory, as a phenomenon which always exists in a specific social and cultural context. From this perspective, Polishness is constantly negotiated and renegotiated by film protagonists. The author will distinguish three categories through which the director defines Polishness, these are: cultural trauma, national character and modern Catholic religiousness. These categories will be analyzed on the basis of specific examples. An applied methodological approach relies on cultural poetics assumptions, also known as new historicism. Portret tożsamości narodowej w filmach Małgorzaty SzumowskiejNiewątpliwie Małgorzacie Szumowskiej jako jednej z niewielu polskich reżyserek udało się przebić na europejskim rynku filmowym. Chociaż Szumowska może być uznana za kosmopolitkę (w rozumieniu Ulfa Hannerza), to nie zapomina ona o swoich polskich korzeniach. Przeciwnie, w swoich filmach podkreśla zainteresowanie współczesną Polską i polskością, ale czyni to niejako z perspektywy „zewnętrznej”. Wykorzystując teorię tożsamości narodowej autorstwa Antoniny Kłoskowskiej, autor wskazuje, że Szumowska w swoich filmach fabularnych postrzega tożsamość narodową jako fenomen obecny zawsze w określonych warunkach społeczno-kulturowych. W tym ujęciu polskość jest nieustannie negocjowana i renegocjowana przez filmowych protagonistów. Autor wyróżnia trzy kategorie, poprzez które reżyserka określa polskość: traumę kulturową, charakter narodowy oraz religię katolicką, które analizuje na konkretnych filmowych przykładach. Zastosowane podejście metodologiczne wykorzystuje postulaty poetyki kulturowej zwanej również nowym historyzmem.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 366-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eoin Daly

AbstractPolitical liberalism suggests state power must be exercised and justified on terms all citizens can reasonably be expected to endorse, independently of their comprehensive identities or worldviews. For Rawls, a democratic community cannot be united by any shared ends or identities other than those connected with the political conception of justice itself. Republican political thought often seems to undermine this ‘liberal principle of legitimacy’ through its stronger demands of social cohesion and participative civic virtue. Conversely, however, it generally seeks to define citizenship independently of any non-political commonalities citizens might be assumed to share. This theoretical tension was reflected in recent French republican discourses on Islam, gender and national identity. France's recent prohibition on public face-veiling coincided with an officially orchestrated debate on national identity which seemed to challenge the traditional republican conception of national identity as a purely civic and political construct. While couched in republican terminologies, these recent discourses seemed to understand the principle oflaïcité, or constitutional secularism, as a bulwark for the pre-political dimensions of national identity. Accordingly, this article outlines how these discourses on religion and gender illuminated tensions and contradictions within the prevailing republican account of national identity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Arkotong Longkumer

This article considers the importance of “religion” and “identity” in the process of fieldwork in the North Cachar Hills, Assam, India. The political sensitivities in the region provided a difficult context in which to do fieldwork. This is chiefly because of the various armed insurrections, which have arisen as a consequence of the complicated remnants of British colonialism (1834–1947), and the subsequent post-independence challenge of nation building in India. This article raises important methodological questions concerning fieldwork and the relational grounding of the fieldworker relative to the inside/outside positions. It reflects on these issues by discussing the Heraka, a Zeme Naga religious movement. Their ambiguity and “in-between” character accommodates both the “neo-Hindu” version of a nation or Hindutva (Hinduness) and the larger Naga (primarily Christian) assertion of their own cultural and religious autonomy. The Heraka provides an alternative route into ideas of nationhood, religious belonging and cultural identity.


Author(s):  
Alan L. Mittleman

This chapter moves into the political and economic aspects of human nature. Given scarcity and interdependence, what sense has Judaism made of the material well-being necessary for human flourishing? What are Jewish attitudes toward prosperity, market relations, labor, and leisure? What has Judaism had to say about the political dimensions of human nature? If all humans are made in the image of God, what does that original equality imply for political order, authority, and justice? In what kinds of systems can human beings best flourish? It argues that Jewish tradition shows that we act in conformity with our nature when we elevate, improve, and sanctify it. As co-creators of the world with God, we are not just the sport of our biochemistry. We are persons who can select and choose among the traits that comprise our very own natures, cultivating some and weeding out others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 365-371
Author(s):  
J Dorasamy ◽  
Mr Jirushlan Dorasamy

Studies, especially in the North America, have shown a relationship between political orientation and moralfoundation. This study investigated whether moral judgements differ from the political orientation of participantsin South Africa moral judgment and the extent to which moral foundations are influenced by politicalorientation.Further, the study investigated the possibility of similar patterns with the North AmericanConservative-Liberal spectrum and the moral foundation. There were 300participants, 78 males and 222 females,who completed an online questionnaire relating to moral foundation and political orientation. The results partiallysupported the hypothesis relating to Liberal and Conservative orientation in South Africa. Further, this studypartially predicted the Liberal-Conservative orientation with patterns in the moral foundation, whilst showingsimilar findings to the North American studies. A growing rate of a neutral/moderate society is evidenced in SouthAfrica and abroad, thereby showing the emergence of a more open approach to both a political and generalstance.”””


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
O. V. Lagutin ◽  
E. O. Negrov

The article deals with the assessment of the prospects of the political future by representatives of Russian youth. The text of the article has been prepared within the framework of the project “Potential of Youth Political Leadership in The Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of Elites in the Russia Regions in the 2010s (using the example of South-Western Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation), RFBR grant No. 18-011-01184. The relevance of the research is in combining a fundamental review of the main directions of research of the role of youth participation in the social and political process and the involvement of a specific empirical study conducted in the spring of 2019, which allows highlighting various aspects of the situation. The empirical part of the study is based on the study “Ideas of Youth about Possibilities of Youth Leaders and Youth Organizations in Russia”, which was conducted in spring 2019 in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation — Altai Territory, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions and St. Petersburg. The method of research was a personal standardized interview, the sample size was 1000 respondents (250 in each of the regions), representatives of young people aged 14 to 30 permanently reside in the territory of the studied subjects of the federation. Based on factor and cluster analyzes, the main models of expectations of the political future are presented. The article should be of interest to researchers, both professionally involved, and simply interested in the topic of the influence of the real political process on such a significant group of the population as youth.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natacha Gagné

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document