scholarly journals Contribution of secularism and discrimination law to the protection of religious pluralism: the French experience

2017 ◽  
pp. 71-104
Author(s):  
Frédérique Ast

In public debate and in the media, French secularism is often understood as a straightforward principle that not only prescribes the separation of Church and State and the neutrality of the State but also, by extension, a ban on all religious expression within the State institutions or more generally in public. This ideological point of view is nonetheless without any legal foundation in France. This paper aims at demonstrating that the genuine rationale and objective of French secularism consist for the State to treat all religions equally. It may even lead, to a certain extent, to the funding and the accommodation of religious needs, in order to guarantee individual and collective expression of religious beliefs. Moreover, non-discrimination law has also become a suitable legal tool to fostering religious pluralism in France.Published online: 11 December 2017

Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Significance At the beginning of 2021, the ZP coalition of the Law and Justice (PiS), Accord and United Poland (SP) parties is stable, but not as strong as it has been in previous years. This weakening in the PiS-led government’s condition is due to many factors, among which the coronavirus pandemic is one of the most important. Impacts The process will continue of subordinating any independent state institutions still left to party control. PiS will take further, similar steps regarding the media, academia and NGOs. After months of pandemic lockdown, the state of the economy is stable if not ideal, and will not lead to early elections.


Author(s):  
Līga Romāne-Kalniņa ◽  

Aristotle’s definition of rhetoric as the art of observing the available means of persuasion is one of the most widely used quotations not only in linguistics but also in social, political, and communication sciences. Aristotle, apart from defining the elements of rhetoric (logos, ethos and pathos), has proposed three types of rhetoric that refer either to the present situation (ceremonial), the past (judicial), or the future (political). The current president of Latvia and his language use is one of the most widely discussed topics across the media and academia due to the register, style, and content of his speeches. Moreover, the president of Latvia has a direct impact on how the state is perceived nationally and internationally; thus, it is significant to investigate the linguistic profile of the linguistic expression of the ideas communicated by the president to the wider public. The current study analyses 160 speeches given by president Egils Levits on nationally significant occasions as well as internationally with the aim to investigate whether the speeches of the president of Latvia correspond to the ceremonial, political or judicial rhetoric because the president represents both legal and political discourse as the former judge of the European Court of Human Rights and the former minister of Justice, and as the head of the Republic of Latvia represents the state nationally and abroad. The study is grounded in the theories on rhetoric and Critical Discourse Analysis applied to political discourse and presidential language and discussed by scholars such as Aristotle (1959), Van Dijk (2006), Chilton and Schäffner (2002), O’Keeffe (2006), Van Dijk (2008), David (2014), Wilson (2015) and Wodak and Mayer (2016). The results of the current study reveal that the speeches are a clear representation of a combination of legal, political, and ceremonial rhetoric and cross various semantic fields that are marked by the use of field terminology in combination with topos of definition and name interpretation to explain the terms directly in the speeches. The speeches by Levits are furthermore marked by relatively frequent use of loanwords, neologisms, obsolete words, and compounds that is one of the main characteristics of the linguistic profile of his speeches. Additional characteristic features are the use of parallel sentence constructions, inverted word orders, rhetorical questions, and pronominal referencing to attract the listener's attention and emphasize the thematic areas of the speeches. Nevertheless, it has been concluded that such linguistic techniques as metaphors, metonymies, synecdoche, or hyperbole are used comparatively less frequently, thus making the speeches appear more formal and less emotional from the linguistic point of view.


Journalism ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger von Seth

The Russian media system was during most of the 20th century part of the state institutions. During glasnost and perestroika, the media became gradually more independent of the state. However, the subsequent apex of journalistic freedom in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was followed by stagnation and a pronounced democratic setback following Putin’s accession to power. Despite this, the findings based on qualitative text analysis of articles in the daily press strongly indicate that after 1991 readers of the press are being increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens, a tendency which is strengthened during the entire period of study. Methods for text examination are speech act and modality analysis, exploring how readers are discursively positioned in the sample text material, which covers the democratically critical time span 1978–2003. The findings imply that although post-Soviet journalism itself faces considerable difficulties, a firm cultural ground for citizen participation in society has been laid through changes in press language.


Author(s):  
Larysa Platash

The article analyzes the state-public mechanisms for the development of inclusive education in Ukraine for the period 1990-2020. In the 1990s, there was inertia on the part of state institutions in deciding to implement inclusive education. For a long time, Ukraine was limited to implementing only state programs («Children of Ukraine», «Long-term Program for the Advancement of Women, Family, Maternal and Child Welfare», «State National Program «Education» (Ukraine of the 21st Century)», etc.. In fact, in 2011 inclusive education was introduced in Ukrainian schools when the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine approved Decree No. 872 of August 15, 2011. Since then, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine has been pursuing an active policy of developing inclusive education, publishing educational and methodological literature on the topic. The author of the article distinguishes three periods of the development of inclusive education in Ukraine during its independence. The first (1990-2001), when there is a slowdown, moderation of the state’s actions in introducing declarative changes in the country's legislation; considerable attention is paid to the implementation of state programs to support children. The second period (2001-2010) begins with the general project work of the All-Ukrainian Fund «Step by Step», the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine and the Institute of Special Education of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of Ukraine; it concludes with the approval of the «Concept for the Development of Inclusive Education». In terms of the development of an inclusive educational environment, the work of many public organizations and foundations on the formation of philosophy of inclusion and the formation of a social ground for the introduction of inclusive education was fruitful. The third period (2011-2020) is characterized by excessive attention of the state, various institutions, teachers, the public to the problems of inclusive education for people with special needs, as well as informing the population through the media about achievements in the field of inclusive education. The implementation of inclusive education in Ukraine is supported in close cooperation with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine by the International Fund «Renaissance», «Open Society Foundation», All-Ukrainian Fund «Step by Step», «Inclusion Support Network. School for All», «Poroshenko Charity Foundation», etc. Joint initiatives are aimed at introducing inclusive education and creating a positive environment for the perception of inclusion of people with impaired psychophysical development.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 595
Author(s):  
Stephan Ruderer

The relations between the Chilean Church and the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973–1990) are often characterized as conflictive. After a short period of accommodation and legitimation, the Chilean episcopate started to confront the dictatorship in the name of the poor and persecuted, but never breaking entirely with the regime. This led to a complicated relationship between the Church and the dictatorship, which tried to legitimize authoritarian rule by reference to Christian values and the defense of “Christian civilization”. Much historiography has examined this relation from the point of view of the Church. When examined from the point of view of the State important nuances appear. Documents from the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Relations and correspondence with the Chilean ambassador to the Vatican, shed new light on efforts by the Chilean state to shape relations with the Church and to change the position of bishops who were critical of the regime. These data help understand better the dynamics of conflict between Church and State in Chile during the dictatorship.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ihor Pavlyuk ◽  

The article deals with the mental-existential relationship between ethnoculture, national identity and media culture as a necessary factor for their preservation, transformation, on the example of national original algorithms, matrix models, taking into account global tendencies and Ukrainian archetypal-specific features in Ukraine. the media actively serve the domestic oligarchs in their information-virtual and real wars among themselves and the same expansive alien humanitarian acts by curtailing ethno-cultural programs-projects on national radio, on television, in the press, or offering the recipient instead of a pop pointer, without even communicating to the audience the information stipulated in the media laws − information support-protection-development of ethno-culture national product in the domestic and foreign/diaspora mass media, the support of ethnoculture by NGOs and the state institutions themselves. In the context of the study of the cultural national socio-humanitarian space, the article diagnoses and predicts the model of creating and preserving in it the dynamic equilibrium of the ethno-cultural space, in which the nation must remember the struggle for access to information and its primary sources both as an individual and the state as a whole, culture the transfer of information, which in the process of globalization is becoming a paramount commodity, an egregore, and in the post-traumatic, interrupted-compensatory cultural-information space close rehabilitation mechanisms for national identity to become a real factor in strengthening the state − and vice versa in the context of adequate laws («Law about press and other mass media», Law «About printed media (press) in Ukraine», Law «About Information», «Law about Languages», etc.) and their actual effect in creating motivational mechanisms for preserving/protecting the Ukrainian language, as one of the main identifiers of national identity, information support for its expansion as labels cultural and geostrategic areas.


Author(s):  
Paul Guyer

This chapter compares the two philosophers’ great arguments for separation of church and state. Mendelssohn’s argument is contained in Part I of his 1783 Jerusalem. He holds that the state and any church employ two different means to the same end, human happiness, and that the state’s coercive methods have no place in religious practice. His argument is based on the religious premise that God is pleased only by the free rather than forced convictions of humans. Kant does not treat the separation of church and state in his 1793 Religion at all, because for him religious liberty is an immediate consequence of every human’s innate right to freedom, which is both the objective but also the limit of all state power. Religious liberty can therefore be treated from a purely political point of view, as Kant does in his 1797 Doctrine of Right.


1999 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-547
Author(s):  
GERHARD BESIER

The role of Protestantism in the German Democratic Republic (the GDR) has been strongly disputed since the ‘turn’ and reunification of 1989/90. Many of the disagreements derive from different interpretations of the relationship between State, Church and Society in the GDR. This paper first describes the state institutions which formulated and executed church policies for the Communist Party of the GDR (the SED), and then surveys relations between Church and State, offering an explanation for actions and motivations on both sides. The thesis advanced is that the decisive phase of the transformation of a ‘bourgeois’ Church into a ‘Church within socialism’ took place between 1958 and 1978, and that the preceding and subsequent periods merely had the character of ‘past history’ and ‘epilogue’.A variety of institutions influenced Church–State policies in the GDR. First, at government level, there was until 1957 a department for ecclesiastical affairs controlled by the deputy prime minister ; after that date, there was an official secretary for church affairs, answerable to the chairman of the government (Ministerrat). At party level in the SED, there was a working group for church affairs which was part of the secretariat of the SED's central committee, answerable to the first secretary or the secretary-general of the central committee. The central committee office included a member with specific responsibility for church affairs, generally the second in line after the party chairman. In the Ministry for State Security (MfS), those involved were the head of the so-called ‘main department for social superstructure’, together with a representative of the minister or the minister himself, and the heads of administration in individual ‘Lands’ or districts.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-349
Author(s):  
Nikolai Genov

What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document