Conceptualizing the Post-Liberalization State

Author(s):  
Leela Fernandes

This essay presents the theoretical framework for understanding state power in the context of policies of economic liberalization that are associated with the paradigm of neoliberalism. It specifically develops a conceptualization of the post-liberalization state that moves beyond assumptions that the neoliberal state is one that has necessarily weakened or retreated. The post-liberalization state is defined by shifting boundaries between state, market, and civil society that are contingent on the political, social, and economic circumstances within nations while also being shaped by transnational processes. These boundaries are shaped as much by historical continuities with older formations such as the developmental state and the racial state as they are with new modes of power. Through this focus on the state, the essay seeks to disrupt the conflation between neoliberalism and processes of privatization and the dominance of market rationalities. An understanding of the post-liberalization period in the twenty-first century requires analyses that also foreground questions of how conceptions of “publicness” are reconstituted and deployed, how states shape economic policy and contribute to the reproduction of inequality, and how political and social consent to structures of exclusion are produced and disrupted by social movements.

Author(s):  
Yakov M. Mirkin ◽  

Collective behavior model, deregulation, developmental state, economic liberalization, financial policy, life expectancy, new economic policy, super-fast growth.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asmaa Mostafa Sayed

Purpose This study aims to investigate the nature of the relationship between the state and civil society after the 2011 uprising. Design/methodology/approach The study adopted Mygdal’s approach to analyze the relationship between the state and civil society and identify their ability to control the rules of the political game. The study also draws on the theoretical framework of the hypotheses introduced by a number of scholars on the forms of potential relations between the state and civil society, and the impact of these forms on advancing the process of democratization. Findings This study argues that despite some important changes in favor of civil society vis-à-vis the state, it is too early to conclude that a dramatic change has occurred in this relationship, due to a discernable unbalanced power in favor of the state. The state revealed after 2011 that these organizations acted against the state’s stability and against its fundamentals. Originality/value To the best of the author’s knowledge, this research is the first to study the relationship between the state and the civil society in Egypt after 2011 events.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-97
Author(s):  
Tadd Graham Fernée

This essay compares nation-making in India, Turkey and Iran through differing visions of modernity and Enlightenment as temporal horizons. The comparison is traced through the Islamic Triumvirate (Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires) focused upon the Mughal Emperor Akbar's multi-religious experiment in early modern empire consolidation. The essay then analyses the national independence movements which defined – through either violent or non-violent practice, direct seizure of state power or civil society transformation – the post-independence political formations of India, Turkey and Iran between democracy and authoritarianism. As ideal types, these experiences constitute two distinctive temporal horizons: the movement (involving the masses in nation-making as a multi-centred process) and the programme (nation-making from above employing a blueprint of rupture). The political tradition being highlighted is nation-making based upon an ethic of reconciliation over totality. This tradition links development and public freedom in creating a democratic society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 214-229
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shmakov ◽  
Sergey Petrov

Abstract A number of events taking place in the twenty-first century such as mass arrests of members of the Iran President Mahmud Ahmadinezhad's executive office accused of witchcraft make one doubt that witch hunt trials remained in the far Middle Ages. It is religious motives that are usually considered the main reason for anti-witchcraft hysteria. When analyzing the history of anti-witchcraft campaigns we came to the conclusion that in the majority of cases witchcraft was a planned action aimed at consolidating the state power and acquiring additional sources of revenue. By using economic instruments we tried to reveal some general regularities of witch hunt in various countries as well as conditions for this institution to emerge and for ensuring its stability by the state power We show that witch hunt was an instrument of implementing institutional transformations aimed to consolidate the political power or to forfeit wealth by the state power.


Author(s):  
Jeremy F. Walton

Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey is an inquiry into the political practices of contemporary Turkish Muslim NGOs. Based on ethnographic research conducted in Istanbul and Ankara, it examines how Muslim NGOs interrogate statist sovereignty over Islam in Turkey. Muslim NGOs target two facets of state power in relation to Islam: Kemalist laicism and its marginalization of Islam in public life and the state-based production of a homogeneous form of Sunni Islam. In making this double criticism of statist sovereignty over Islam, Turkish Muslim NGOs champion religious freedom as a paramount political ideal. This nongovernmental politics of religious freedom has entailed the naturalization of second mode of power in relation to religion—that of liberal governmentality. It has also sanctioned a romance of civil society as uniquely suited to authentic, nonpolitical modes of belonging—the civil society effect. This nexus of religious freedom, nongovernmental politics, and the civil society effect determines a counterpublic relationship between Turkish Muslim NGOs and statist forms of Islam. The institutions that the book discusses span the dominant sectarian divide in Turkey—that between Sunnis and Alevis. The book develops a broad set of comparisons and contrasts between Sunni and Alevi organizations. On one hand, it argues that Sunni and Alevi NGOs articulate a shared discourse of religious freedom. On the other hand, it attends to the persistent, hierarchical differences between Sunnis and Alevis in Turkey, which situate Sunni and Alevi NGOs unevenly within a broader field of power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Julie Bates

Happy Days is contemporaneous with a number of seminal contributions to the concept of the everyday in postwar France. This essay suggests that the increasingly constrained verbal and physical routines performed by its protagonist Winnie constitute a portrait of the everyday, and goes on to trace the affinities between Beckett's portrait and several formulations of the concept, with particular emphasis on the pronounced gendering of the everyday in many of these theories. The essay suggests the aerial bombings of the Second World War and methods of torture during the Algerian War as potential influences for Beckett's play, and draws a comparison with Marlen Haushofer's 1963 novel The Wall, which reimagines the Romantic myth of The Last Man as The Last Woman. It is significant, however, that the cataclysmic event that precedes the events of Happy Days remains unnamed. This lack of specificity, I suggest, is constitutive of the menace of the play, and has ensured that the political as well as aesthetic power of Happy Days has not dated. Indeed, the everyday of its sentinel figure posted in a blighted landscape continues to articulate the fears of audiences, for whom the play may resonate today as a staging of twenty-first century anxiety about environmental crisis. The essay concludes that in Happy Days we encounter an isolated female protagonist who contrives from scant material resources and habitual bodily rhythms a shelter within a hostile environment, who generates, in other words, an everyday despite the shattering of the social and temporal framework that conventionally underpin its formation. Beckett's play in this way demonstrates the political as well as aesthetic power of the everyday in a time of crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Peter Galbács

This paper offers a few remarks on the so-called heterodoxy commentaries of recent times (e.g. Bod 2013, Csaba 2011). In accordance with the growing popularity of unusual economic policy actions, a set of “tools” is emerging that aims to exert its effects breaking with instrumental actions. Outlining a special framework of the history of mainstream economics, it will be argued that economic policy only gradually has become capable of applying this system. In our view, both the emergence of symbolic economic policies mentioned above and the rise of heterodoxy are on the same level, since certain governments can only operate through giving signals. Although it is not the time to formulate ultimate and eternal generalised statements, it may perhaps be stated that symbolic economic policies can make some room for manoeuvring available as a last resort. In other words, the possibility of a certain kind of economic policy “tools” can be derived from theoretical considerations, and this set has become highlighted recently by some constraining changes in the macroeconomic environment. Our theoretical framework will be filled sporadically with some episodes from the last few years of the economic policy of Hungary.


Author(s):  
Douglas I. Thompson

In academic debates and popular political discourse, tolerance almost invariably refers either to an individual moral or ethical disposition or to a constitutional legal principle. However, for the political actors and ordinary residents of early modern Northern European countries torn apart by religious civil war, tolerance was a political capacity, an ability to talk to one’s religious and political opponents in order to negotiate civil peace and other crucial public goods. This book tells the story of perhaps the greatest historical theorist-practitioner of this political conception of tolerance: Michel de Montaigne. This introductory chapter argues that a Montaignian insistence that political opponents enter into productive dialogue with each other is worth reviving and promoting in the increasingly polarized democratic polities of the twenty-first century.


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