Cosmopolitanisms

Cosmopolitanism is less an ideal than a description. It merely assumes that wherever and whenever history has set peoples in motion across national boundaries, sometimes by force, many of them and their descendants will show signs of divided loyalties and a hybrid identity. Cosmopolitanism should no longer be conceived as singular—an overrriding loyalty to humanity as a whole—but plural. Instead of an unhealthily skinny ethical abstraction, we now have many blooming, fleshed-out particulars. How much do these variants have in common with each other? How much of the concept’s old normative sense is preserved or transformed by these empirical particulars? What is it exactly that makes them interesting, makes them valuable? Cosmopolitanism can now be defined as any one of many possible modes of life, thought, and sensibility that are produced when commitments and loyalties are multiple and overlapping. There are more kinds of cosmopolitanism out there to be explored and observed. Social scientists, cultural critics, and historians can stake claims to a concept that had largely belonged to philosophers and political theorists. No longer a badge of privilege, it is now possible to speak of the cosmopolitanism of the poor.

1997 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 675-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Cialdini

The larger society, which has paid for social science, deserves a fuller and more meaningful exposure to what social scientists have learned with its money. Moreovei; social science would benefit in financial support and prestige from such exposure. The popular media constitute the most powerful vehicle for and the most formidable barrier against the professionally responsible communication of social science to the public. An approach for communicating responsibly with the public through the media is described. A central component of that approach seens dishonest but is shown not to be upon close analysis. It advises scientists to respond to the poor questions they may be asked by media representatives with answers to the good questions they could have been asked. Booming About Big Issues


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 1172-1208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Dedieu ◽  
Aïssatou Mbodj-Pouye

AbstractThis article locates itself at the intersection of the social history of postcolonial migrations and the intellectual history of leftism and Third-Worldism in the aftermath of May ’68. It is the first study of the radical political group Révolution Afrique. From 1972 until its ban by the French government in 1977, this organization forged by African and French activists mobilized against neocolonial ideologies and policies on both sides of the Mediterranean. By tracing the organization's rise and fall through extensive archival research and in-depth interviews, the article explores the changing meanings of transnational activism by weaving together the biographical paths of the activists, the institutional and political constraints they faced, and the ideological framework within which they operated. During this short time frame, the transnational agenda that made sense among African workers and students in the early 1970s became irrelevant. The increasing repression of political dissent in Africa and France, the suspension of migratory flows, and the French government's implementation of return policies in the late 1970s forced the group's African activists to adopt a more national approach to their actions, or simply withdraw from high-risk activism. Despite the dissolution of Révolution Afrique, this collective endeavor appears to have been a unique experience of political education for African activists, transcending distinct social and national boundaries that until now have been left unexamined by social scientists specialized in the complex history of the relationships between France and Africa.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Moss

This chapter provides an overview of how women’s growing presence in the workforce was understood by contemporaries. It demonstrates that female workers, trade unions, social scientists, and WLM activists were increasingly drawing public attention to the poor conditions and inequalities working-class women were likely to experience in the workplace. At the same time, there was a growing commitment from policy makers and the main political parties to understanding and addressing gender inequality as a political issue. This chapter argues the growing politicisation of gender inequality in the workplace was part of a broader transition in public understandings of gender roles taking place in post-war Britain. It concludes that women’s workplace activism should be understood within this context.


Author(s):  
Samantha A. Shave

The opening chapter explains the book’s purpose, to understand the practice of the poor laws in England. It provides a history of the main poor laws, paying particular attention to the period 1780 to 1850. The introduction will explain why this research does not follow the direction of recent research about individuals’ experiences of welfare receipt, instead making the case for the rethinking and repositioning of the importance of relief administration. The book unpicks the dynamism of pauper policies: how they emerged, were taken up, implemented and developed in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries. This is achieved using a ‘policy process’ approach developed by social scientists, which allows for an understanding of the dynamism of policy, as well as for the identification and examination distinct parts of the policy process. The chapter then introduces the context of the research, southern England, an area of varied employment opportunities but immense poverty in the late eighteenth century. The introduction finishes with descriptions of the remaining chapters, guiding the reader through the book.


Author(s):  
James L. Huffman

The introduction begins with an overview of the sources of the study: articles by journalists like Yokoyama Gennosuke and Matsubara Iwagorō, official records, and reminiscences of literary figures. It then notes the dominant motifs of popular late-Meiji writers who saw the hinmin as pitiable, responsible for their own plights, lazy and morally lax—in other words, inferior. That section is followed by a summary of key themes of social scientists, particularly Nakagawa Kiyoshi, who have found a less pejorative, more objective reality characterized by dense housing, low wages, long work hours, and multiple reasons for being poor. The introduction concludes with a summary of the key points that the book will make in its effort to understand how the poor themselves experienced life: that life was grim, that the hinmin were resilient with a strong sense of agency, and that joy and hope were important in their lives.


1981 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco E. Thoumi

Economic development—defined by growth of GNP per capita—among the poor countries of the world during the last 25 years has been higher than in almost any other period in mankind's history. Although this growth might have not been as high as that expected by some policy makers, the 1950-1975 period shows an overall improvement over the recent past. In spite of this apparent surge in growth, many policy makers and social scientists have shown disappointment and dismay at some characteristics of the recent increases in GNP (Morawetz, 1977).


2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 434-435
Author(s):  
Amy Singer

Egypt of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has long been a focus for study by social scientists and humanists of various disciplines. To an extensive bibliography is now added a unique work of social history that explores the lives of Egypt's poor and the shifting attitudes toward them over 150 years. Mine Ener has written an account of how the poor of Cairo and Alexandria negotiated assistance from traditional institutions and government agencies alike, and how the nature of institutions offering assistance changed during this time. She posited that, for much of this period, the attitude of successive Egyptian governments toward the poor was one infused with an Islamic ethos of charity and informed by shifting political concerns. Continuous evidence of government behavior—from Mehmet Ali Pasha in the early nineteenth century to King Farouk in the mid-twentieth—demonstrates that the source of charity was never thoroughly depersonalized. Each one claimed to be the source of assistance and couched his claims in the language of the concerned and conscientious Muslim ruler.


1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Kaufman

In order to make sense of the endless complexities of social life, social scientists conceptualize the empirical world in terms of interlocking systems and subsystems of roles and behavior, holding some of these spheres constant so that others can be studied and understood. This is a necessary and desirable aspect of social scientific enterprise. It may well be, however, that too many aspects of human interaction are held constant by the conventional ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ distinctions that dominate the study of developing nations. Although we have a growing body of data about the attitudes, values, and behaviors of the individuals who comprise the mass publics of such nations, we have relatively little systematic information about how this micro-level analysis feeds into and affects the processes and actors that are visible at the national level of political life. Most countrycentered macro-studies, in turn, make few, if any, systematic references to variables extending beyond national boundaries into the international environment. Such criticism seems to call for a more extensive analysis across systems—analysis which not only takes into account the attributes of individuals and of national institutions, but which also links these units to one another and to a variety of other sub- and supra-national structures and processes as well.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dubravka Stojanović

Today's pictures of Belgrade are not much different from late-nineteenth-century descriptions: messy streets, uncompleted infrastructure projects, lack of coordinated urban plans and strategies. No doubt all of this shows that the weak Serbian society never raised sufficient funds to invest in a glamorous-looking capital city. The most frequent excuse to justify the poor-looking conditions of the national capital has been found in the nation's struggle to fulfill an uncompleted project for national unification. For more than two centuries, the modern Serbian elite has remained unsatisfied with current national boundaries. This paper will address the question of how those unfulfilled national aspirations can be detected in the urban fabric of Belgrade.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Dian Dwi Jayanto

The strengthening of Islamization (Islamisasi) or the revival of religious awakening in the post-reform Indonesia has become an appealing topic to be studied by social scientists. Islamization, in this study, is not defined in terms of the discourse of religious political relations (such as relations of state and religion), but refers to the existence of social religious expressions which are marked by considerable exploration to form a new meaning of Islam (Islamization) which involves various elements, especially capitalism and modernity. This paper provides an overview of how social scientists see the phenomenon of Islamization in the post-reform Indonesia. This overview is important in order to discuss the viewpoints or better known as "standing positions" of scientists in seeing the phenomenon of Islamization in Indonesia. This paper uses a literature study in the form of collecting various relevant studies related to the analysis of Islamization in the post-reform Indonesia. It then simplifies a number of selected studies from various scientific writings and finds various perspectives, including ones which see this phenomenon as a symptom of radicalism, a form of the success of commodification of Islam. Another perspective makes use of the concept of Post-Islamism and links it with the hybrid identity concept. In the end, this paper concludes that there are two big perspectives, besides the mainstream perspective of radicalism and terrorism, namely the commodification of Islam and Post-Islamism. This research argues that these two perspectives can be used as a basis for thinking in reading the dynamics of increasing social-religious expression in Indonesia with different analytical levels. 


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