Reflections

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Williams Guevara Martínez

Born in El Salvador, Williams Guevara Martínez left home at seventeen to escape domestic abuse and seek refuge with family members living in the United States. After a hazardous journey and crossing into the United States in a context of heightened migration, he was immediately apprehended, detained in federal custody, and ultimately released to his brother’s care in Maryland. He found excellent legal representation and was granted legal relief in the form of Special Immigrant Juvenile Status. Now with formal status, steady work, and college credits he looks back to chronicle the challenges of youth who enter the country alone and without authorization. Guevara Martínez recounts his life in El Salvador, his harrowing journey, experience in federal custody and after release, including personal attachments, educational opportunities and his commitment “to give back” by helping others like himself. He shares the lessons he learned commenting critically on violence, the migration process, human rights, and his hopes for the future..

2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Soares

This article discusses the Carter administration's policies toward Nicaragua and El Salvador after the Sandinistas took power in Nicaragua in July 1979. These policies were influenced by the widespread perception at the time that Marxist revolutionary forces were in the ascendance and the United States was in retreat. Jimmy Carter was trying to move away from traditional American “interventionism” in Latin America, but he was also motivated by strategic concerns about the perception of growing Soviet and Cuban strength, ideological concerns about the spread of Marxism-Leninism, and political-humanitarian concerns about Marxist-Leninist regimes' systematic violations of human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim A. Baranowski ◽  
Eileen Wang ◽  
Megan R. D'Andrea ◽  
Elizabeth K. Singer

Introduction: Every year, thousands of women flee gender-based violence in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala (sometimes collectively referred to as the Northern Triangle) in an attempt to seek asylum in the United States. Once in the United States, their legal teams may refer them for a psychological evaluation as part of their application for asylum. Licensed clinicians conduct in-depth interviews in order to document the psychological impact of the reported human rights violations. Method: Using archival de-identified data from a human rights program, this study gathered the experiences of gender-based violence reported by 70 asylum-seeking women from Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala who participated in pro bono psychological evaluation. Descriptive data were analyzed using a modified consensual qualitative research (CQR-M) method.Results: These asylum seekers reported exposure to systemic violence, including severe intimate partner violence, as well as physical and sexual assaults, and threats of death by organized criminal groups in their communities. Additionally, over a third of women reported experiences of violence during their migration. The majority of asylum seekers endorsed symptoms associated with anxiety (80%) and depression (91%), as well as trauma-and stressor-related symptoms (80%). Discussion: The results of this study elucidate the manyforms of gender-based violence experienced by women in this region, the physical and psychological sequelae of this persecution, and the systemic forces that prevent them from remaining in their countries of origin. The research results also highlight the potential impact of trauma on the women’s ability to testify effectively during asylum legal hearings, elucidate factors that may contribute to their resilience in light of the human rights violations they survived, and suggest implications for clinical practice.


Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley

This chapter explains how Ronald Reagan's public diplomacy campaign reflected conservative Nicaraguan and U.S. Catholic viewpoints and language. It talks about the officials who worked with Catholic allies, including a former Maryknoll sister, that critique the Maryknoll and liberation theology in the United States, Latin America, and Europe. It also recounts Reagan's promotion as defender of the Nicaraguan Catholic Church to win support among conservative Catholics for U.S. policy and his reelection bid. The chapter discusses the White House's attempt to move the public focus from human rights in El Salvador to Nicaragua by alleging that the Sandinista government persecuted religion and was trying to create a fake church. It describes the public diplomacy campaign that involved cooperation with religious conservatives, including its design and execution that reflected conservative Catholic viewpoints and language.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Ruth Elizabeth Prado Pérez

Introducción: En 2014, la llegada a Estados Unidos de decenas de miles de menores no acompañados (en adelante, MeNAS) desde de El Salvador, Honduras y Guatemala reveló una crisis humanitaria de grandes proporciones resultado de la violencia de los cárteles de las drogas, las pandillas, y en la que también participan agentes del Estado. Este artículo analiza el flujo de menores no acompañados centroamericanos como una crisis humanitaria prolongada y silenciosa que los países involucrados parecen no reconocer. Ante la sólida evidencia que apunta a la violencia como factor clave del desplamiento forzado de miles de MeNAS, se examina como han respondido México y Estados Unidos.Método: La metodología está basada en una revisión de las encuestas aplicadas a menores para identificar las razones por las que dejan sus países (ACNUR, 2014; Human Rights Watch, 2016; Jones & Podkul, 2012; Kennedy, 2014); se revisan también estudios sobre la violencia en la región, en particular el índice de homicidios violentos. Se analiza la relación entre violencia y migración forzada de menores no acompañados que estarían en condición de recibir protección, examinanando la brecha existente entre los instrumentos jurídicos en torno al refugio y las políticas con las México y Estados Unidos han respondido a su llegada.Resultados: La situación de violencia generalizada en los países del Triángulo Norte Centroaméricano (TNCA) exhibe las características de una emergencia humanitaria cuya dimensión migratoria está vinculada al desplazamiento forzado de menores no acompañados. Dicha emergencia no ha sido reconocida por los países involucrados, lo que entre otras cosas tiene como consecuencia que los menores que huyen de la violencia no sean atendidos con medidas congruentes con el régimen internacional de protección a refugiados.Discusión o Conclusión: México y Estados Unidos han enfrentado la crisis de menores no acompañados centroamericanos con una serie de medidas que, lejos de atender su dimensión humanitaria, han resultado en la deportación masiva de muchos menores que serían elegibles para recibir asilo y que al retonar a su país corren riesgos que amenazan su vida. Así, el régimen de protección internacional a refugiados no está siendo adecuadamente aplicado adecuadamente. Introduction: In 2014, the arrival in the United States of tens of thousands of unaccompanied minors (UAM) from of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala revealed a major humanitarian crisis resulting from the violence of drug cartels, gangs, and which also involved state agents. This paper analyzes the flow of UAM as a long and silent humanitarian crisis that the countries involved do not seem to recognize. Given the strong evidence pointing to violence as a key factor forced displacement of thousands of UAM, the paper examines how Mexico and the United States have responded to the crisis. Method: The methodology is based on a review of the most influencial surveys on the reasons why children leave their countries (Human Rights Watch, 2016; Jones & Podkul, 2012; Kennedy, 2014; UNHCR, 2014); as well as documenting violence in the region, particularly the rate of violent killings to explore the relationship between violence and forced migration of UAM who would be in condition to receive protection, identifying the gap between the legal instruments of the refugee regime, and the policies of Mexico and the U.S. to responded to the situation.Results: The generalized violence in the Central American Northern Triangle (CANT) countries displays the characteristics of a humanitarian emergency which migratory dimension is linked to the forced displacement of UAM. Such emergency has not been recognized by the countries involved having as a consequence, among other things, that minors fleeing criminal violence have not been subjects of measures which are consistent with the international refugee protection regime.Conclusion: Mexico and the United States have responded to the arrival of UAM with a series of measures that, far from addressing the humanitarian dimensión of the crisis, have resulted in the mass deportation of many minors who would be eligible for asylum. To mamy of these minors, returning to their country poses life-threatening risks. Thus, the international regime of refugee protection is not being properly implemented. 


Author(s):  
Aryeh Neier

This chapter discusses organizations that are active in the field of human rights, which make distinctive contributions by focusing on abuses of rights in a particular country or locality. It describes how global organizations address violations of rights suffered by discrete segments of the population, such as gays and lesbians, indigenous peoples, women, members of racial, religious or ethnic minorities, or persons suffering from mental or physical disabilities. The chapter talks about Louis Henkin, a professor of law at Columbia University, who was long regarded as the preeminent American scholar in the human rights field. It mentions the Lawyers Committee, which enlisted hundreds of American lawyers to provide free legal representation to applicants for asylum in the United States in immigration proceedings. It also illustrates the Lawyers Committee's campaign that aid lawyers in other countries who were persecuted for defending human rights.


Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley

This chapter clarifies how the Maryknollers and San Salvador's Archbishop, Óscar Romero, unsuccessfully tried to persuade Jimmy Carter to accentuate human rights in U.S.–El Salvador policy. It recounts El Salvador as a major conflict between the White House and the religious community by 1980. It also discusses the Salvadoran government that accused Maryknoll priests John Halbert and Ron Michaels of being “subversives.” The chapter describes priests, brothers, and nuns in El Salvador and the United States that played a crucial role in aiding Salvadorans' push for societal change. It talks about how Maryknollers approached the situation from a faith-based perspective, but their decision to side with the poor had political implications.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 70-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Gallagher

Public opinion in the United States and elsewhere celebrated the liberation of Afghan women following the defeat of the Taliban government. The United States promised to stay in Afghanistan and foster security, economic development, and human rights for all, especially women. After years of funding various anti- Soviet Mujahidin warlords, the United States had agreed to help reconstruct the country once before in 1992, when the Soviet-backed government fell, but had lost interest when the warlords began to fight among themselves. This time, however, it was going to be different. To date, however, conditions have not improved for most Afghan women and reconstruction has barely begun. How did this happen? This article explores media presentations of Afghan women and then compares them with recent reports from human rights organizations and other eyewitness accounts. It argues that the media depictions were built on earlier conceptions of Muslim societies and allowed us to adopt a romantic view that disguised or covered up the more complex historical context of Afghan history and American involvement in it. We allowed ourselves to believe that Afghans were exotic characters who were modernizing or progressing toward a western way of life, despite the temporary setback imposed by the Taliban government. In Afghanistan, however, there was a new trope: the feminist Afghan woman activist. Images of prominent Afghan women sans burqa were much favored by the mass media and American policymakers. The result, however, was not a new focus on funding feminist political organizations or making women’s rights a foreign policy priority; rather, it was an unwillingness to fulfill obligations incurred during decades of American-funded mujahidin warfare, to face the existence of deteriorating conditions for women, resumed opium cultivation, and a resurgent Taliban, or to commit to a multilateral approach that would bring in the funds and expertise needed to sustain a long-term process of reconstruction.


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